A Referendum on the President
By _Sean Trende_ (http://www.realclearpolitics.com/authors/sean_trende/)  - 
November 5, 2014

_realclearpolitics.com_ (http://realclearpolitics.com) 
 
There are two basic approaches to evaluating elections.  The first view  
holds that elections are choices: Voters evaluate the proposals put forward by 
 the candidates, and carefully select the candidate that best lines up with 
their  own views. 
The second view, of which I am a longstanding proponent, is that elections  
are referenda on the party in power.  That is to say, people might give  
some thought to the other party’s proposals, but their ultimate choice focuses 
 almost entirely on their opinion of the performance of the president’s 
party. As  the great political scientist E.E. Schattschneider put it, “The 
people are a  sovereign whose vocabulary is limited to ‘yes’ or ‘no,’” and it 
can only speak  when spoken to.

Last night’s elections gave a pretty good test of  these hypotheses, 
because we had some well-developed theories on either side  that predicted 
different outcomes.  A variety of “fundamentals”-based  models suggested that 
Republicans should have picked up a large number of Senate  seats.  They varied 
in particulars -- Alan Abramowitz’s model suggested six  seats, an early 
version of the Washington Post model said eight.
 
Proponents of the choice model suggested that the unpopularity of the  
Republican brand and/or policy positions would cause the GOP to underperform  
what the fundamentals suggested. To them, “war on women” messaging could 
trump  fundamentals in states like Colorado (and so forth).  And, for a large  
portion of the election, it looked as if they might be correct. 
But, in the end, the fundamentals won out.  Back in February of this  year, 
I put together a simple, _fundamentals-based  analysis_ 
(http://www.realclearpolitics.com/articles/2014/03/11/another_look_at_dems_chances_of_losing_the
_senate.html)  of the elections, based off of nothing more than 
presidential job  approval and incumbency.  That was it.  It suggested that if 
Barack  
Obama’s job approval was 44 percent, Republicans should pick up nine Senate  
seats.  Obama’s job approval was 44 percent in exit polls of the  
electorate, and it appears that Republicans are on pace to pick up nine Senate  
seats. Moreover, only one Democrat -- Natalie Tennant in West Virginia -- ran  
more than 10 points ahead of the president’s job approval. 
Democrats ran about even with the model in the races that were ignored:  
states like South Carolina, Texas and Mississippi.  Democrats ran well  ahead 
of the model in states that were thought to be competitive early on but  
where Republican campaigns fizzled over the summer: Michigan, Oregon, 
Minnesota.  They also ran ahead in Kentucky and West Virginia, states where a 
local  
Democrat’s base is probably well above the president’s job approval. In the 
rest  of the states they ran 2-3 points ahead of the model, which probably 
either  reflects fundamentals that my rudimentary model didn’t include (the 
Democrats’  ground game and monetary advantage), or the fact that these 
things are  non-linear at the extremes: A quality Democrat in Iowa simply isn’t 
going to  fall down to the 41 percent showing that the model predicted. 
Of course, this doesn’t prove anything, but I do think it is safe to say 
that  the fundamentals-based approaches performed better than the choice 
approaches.  While the Republicans weren’t as unpopular with the electorate as 
some polls  suggested the might be, they were still unpopular; a “choice 
electorate”  probably would have rendered a split decision. 
With this, I think we have the answer to the question of “What did the  
election mean?” The answer: The president received a vote of no  confidence.  
It was amplified in Senate races because of the playing field,  but the 
overall House vote and the performance of Democratic senators in purple  states 
is consistent with this approach. 
But, saying “no” to the party in power is not the same as saying “yes” to 
the  party out of power. Parties have plenty of evidence of this, yet they 
always  seem to convince themselves that “this time is different,” and that 
the American  people have validated their approach.  The success or failure 
of  the new Republican Congress will probably be determined by how well 
they have  learned this lesson.

-- 
-- 
Centroids: The Center of the Radical Centrist Community 
<[email protected]>
Google Group: http://groups.google.com/group/RadicalCentrism
Radical Centrism website and blog: http://RadicalCentrism.org

--- 
You received this message because you are subscribed to the Google Groups 
"Centroids: The Center of the Radical Centrist Community" group.
To unsubscribe from this group and stop receiving emails from it, send an email 
to [email protected].
For more options, visit https://groups.google.com/d/optout.

Reply via email to