Let’s hope pragmatism prevails, as the article suggests.  A march toward the 
radical center by the republicans would be most welcome.  That means allowing 
votes Mr. Boehner and Mr. McConnell (don’t be like Mr. Reid or the old Mr. 
Boehner).

Chris

 

From: [email protected] 
[mailto:[email protected]] 
Sent: Wednesday, November 05, 2014 4:01 PM
To: [email protected]
Cc: [email protected]
Subject: [RC] The Party of Eisenhower reborn -Peter Beinart analysis of 
election 2014

 

 

The Atlantic

 


Why the GOP Blowout Is So Scary for Democrats


It's not just that the GOP won key races across the board. It's that the party 
showed a new hunger to cross over to moderates and win. 

 

Peter Beinart <http://www.theatlantic.com/peter-beinart/>  Nov 5 2014

 

 

  
<http://cdn.theatlantic.com/static/newsroom/img/mt/2014/11/AP5908271256/lead.jpg?nejyx1>
 

AP 

Does Tuesday night’s GOP blowout presage anything for the presidential election 
that starts in earnest on Wednesday? The conventional answer is probably still 
no. First, as a million pundits have correctly noted, midterm voters are older, 
whiter and thus more Republican-leaning than voters in presidential races. 
Second, the key 2014 Senate races were disproportionately located in red states 
(although Democrats fared poorly in purple ones too). Third, the GOP trained 
its fire on President Obama, who won’t be on the ballot in two years.

But despite all this, there is one big takeaway from tonight’s Republican 
landslide that should worry Democrats a lot: The GOP is growing hungrier to win.

It’s about time. As a general rule, the longer a party goes without holding the 
White House, the hungrier it becomes. And the hungrier it becomes, the more 
able it is to discard damaging elements of party orthodoxy while still rousing 
its political base. Between 1932 and 1952, it took Republicans five election 
defeats to convince their partisans to rally behind Dwight Eisenhower, who 
accepted the New Deal. Between 1980 and 1992, it took Democrats three defeats 
to convince their base to get behind Bill Clinton, a former head of the 
centrist Democratic Leadership Council who supported cutting taxes and 
executing murderers.

In 2008 and 2012, Republicans couldn’t pull this off. Party elites backed John 
McCain and Mitt Romney, both of whom had records of bipartisan achievement and 
ideological independence that might have made them attractive to swing voters. 
But McCain and Romney faced so much hostility from the GOP’s conservative base 
that in order to win the nomination, and then ensure a decent base turnout in 
November, they had to repudiate the very aspects of their political identity 
that might have impressed independents. McCain, who had once called Jerry 
Falwell and Pat Robertson “agents of intolerance,” made another such agent, 
Sarah Palin, his running mate. Romney, who given his druthers would likely have 
supported comprehensive immigration reform, instead demonized illegal 
immigrants to curry favor with the GOP base.

This year has been different: GOP activists have given their candidates more 
space to craft the centrist personas they need to win. First, in senate races 
in North Carolina, South Carolina, Kentucky, Alaska, Tennessee, Georgia, Kansas 
and Texas, comparatively moderate Republicans triumphed over Tea Party-backed 
challengers. Then many of those Republicans downplayed their opposition to gay 
marriage and highlighted their support for greater access to contraception in 
an effort to win over the young and women voters who in past elections spurned 
the GOP as too extreme. “On social issues,” wrote  
<file:///\\wrote%20Slate’s%20Will%20Saletanhttp\::www.slate.com:articles:news_and_politics:politics:2014:09:republican_candidates_are_avoiding_social_issues_gop_politicians_don_t_want.html.%20“They%20don’t%20want%20the%20election%20to%20be%20about>
 Slate’s Will Saletan, “Republicans are mumbling, cringing, and ducking. They 
don’t want the election to be about these issues, even in red states.”

Sincere or not, these efforts to not appear retrograde and extreme helped 
Republicans say close among women voters. And yet conservatives turned out for 
them in huge numbers nonetheless. Thus, Republicans in 2014 combined candidate 
impurity with grassroots passion, which is what they’ll need to do to win in 
2016.

Achieving this combination is tougher in presidential elections. It’s hard to 
deviate from Limbaughesque orthodoxy when you’re competing for the hard right 
voters who dominate the Iowa caucuses and the South Carolina primary. Still, 
it’s striking that Rand Paul, the Republican who has been most willing to buck 
ideological convention on race, crime and foreign policy, has so far not paid a 
political price. A lot may depend on Ted Cruz: The more successful he becomes, 
the more pressure other Republican contenders will feel to ape his ultra-right 
stances. But if the 2010 midterms revealed a GOP fixated on ideological purity, 
2014 has showcased the party’s new tolerance, and even enthusiasm, for 
pragmatism.

The GOP brand remains terrible 
<http://www.people-press.org/files/2014/10/10-23-14-Political-release.pdf> , 
and the party still faces huge challenges in winning the younger, Hispanic and 
female voters it needs to reclaim the White House. But if Republicans remain in 
a political hole, tonight’s midterms suggest that they have at least stopped 
digging. That’s 2014’s most important lesson for the presidential race that’s 
about to begin.

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