NYT
 
The Great  Immigration Betrayal

Ross Douthat
November 15, 2014
 
 
IN the months since President Obama first seem poised —  as he now seems 
_poised  again_ 
(http://www.nytimes.com/2014/11/14/us/obama-immigration.html?action=click&contentCollection=U.S.&module=RelatedCoverage&region=Marginalia&p
gtype=article)  — to issue a sweeping executive amnesty for millions of 
illegal  immigrants, we’ve learned two important things about how this 
administration  approaches its constitutional obligations. 
First, we  now have a clear sense of the legal arguments that will be used 
to justify the  kind of move Obama himself _previously  described_ 
(http://freebeacon.com/issues/watch-obama-make-the-case-against-his-executive-amnesty/
)  as a betrayal of our political order. They are, as expected,  lawyerly 
in the worst sense, persuasive only if abstracted from any sense of  
precedent or proportion or political normality. 
Second, we  now have a clearer sense of just how anti-democratically this 
president may be  willing to proceed. 

The legal issues first. The White House’s case is _straightforward_ 
(http://www.washingtonpost.com/blogs/plum-line/wp/2014/08/06/how-far-can-obama-go-on
-deportations/) :  It has “prosecutorial discretion” in which illegal 
immigrants it deports, it has  precedent-grounded power to protect particular 
groups from deportation, and it  has statutory authority to grant work permits 
to those protected. Therefore,  there can be no legal bar to applying 
discretion, granting protections and  issuing work permits to roughly half the 
illegal-immigrant population. 
This  argument’s logic, at once consistent and deliberately _obtuse_ 
(http://douthat.blogs.nytimes.com/2014/08/07/when-the-president-does-it-that-means/
) ,  raises one obvious question: Why stop at half? (Activists are _already 
 asking_ 
(http://www.buzzfeed.com/adriancarrasquillo/immigration-activists-on-executive-actions-its-not-enough)
 .) After all, under this theory of what 
counts as faithfully executing  the law, all that matters is that somebody, 
somewhere, is being deported; anyone  and everyone else can be allowed to 
work and stay. So the president could  “temporarily” legalize 99.9 percent 
of illegal immigrants and direct the Border  Patrol to hand out work visas to 
every subsequent border crosser, so long as a  few thousand aliens were 
deported for felonies every year. 

The reality is there is no agreed-upon limit to the scope  of prosecutorial 
discretion in immigration law because no president has  attempted anything 
remotely like what Obama is contemplating. In_ past  cases_ 
(http://shusterman.com/pdf/crsdeferredactionmemo.pdf?3856b4) , presidents used 
the powers he’
s invoking to grant work permits to  modest, clearly defined populations 
facing some obvious impediment (war,  persecution, natural disaster) to 
returning home. None of those moves even  approached this plan’s scale, none 
attempted to transform a major public policy  debate, and none were _deployed  
as 
blackmail_ 
(http://www.nationalreview.com/article/392458/extortion-conciliation-rich-lowry)
  against a Congress unwilling to work the president’s will. 
And none of  them had major applications outside immigration law. No 
defender of Obama’s  proposed move has successfully explained why it wouldn’t 
be 
a model for a future  president interested in unilateral rewrites of other 
areas of public policy (the  tax code, for instance) where sweeping 
applications of “discretion” could  achieve partisan victories by fiat. No 
liberal 
has persuasively explained how,  after spending the last Republican 
administration complaining about presidential  “signing statements,” it makes 
sense 
for the left to begin applying Cheneyite  theories of executive power on 
domestic policy debates. 

Especially debates in which the executive branch is  effectively acting in 
direct defiance of the electoral process. This is where  the administration 
has entered extraordinarily brazen territory, since part of  its original 
case for taking these steps was that they supposedly serve the  public will, 
which only yahoos and congressional Republicans oppose. 
This argument was specious before; now it looks  ridiculous. The election 
just past was not, of course, a formal referendum on  the president’s 
proposed amnesty, but it was conducted with the promise of  unilateral action 
in 
the background, and with immigration as one of the more  hotly debated issues. 
The result was a devastating defeat for Obama and his  party, and most 
_polling_ 
(http://news.investors.com/082914-715413-americans-oppose-obama-immigration-executive-order-ibd-tipp-poll.htm?p=full)
   on unilateral action is 
pretty terrible for the president. 

So there is no public will at work here. There is only  the will to power 
of this White House. 
Which is why the thinking liberal’s move, if this action  goes forward, 
will be to_  invoke structural forces_ 
(http://www.slate.com/articles/business/moneybox/2013/10/juan_linz_dies_yale_political_scientist_explains_why_governm
ent_by_crisis.html) , flaws inherent in our constitutional order, to  
justify Obama’s unilateralism. This won’t be a completely fallacious argument:  
Presidential systems like ours have a long record, especially in Latin 
America,  of producing standoffs between executive and legislative branches, 
which tends  to make executive power grabs more likely. In the United States 
this tendency  has been less dangerous — our imperial presidency has grown on 
us gradually; the  worst overreaches have often been rolled back. But we do 
seem to be in an era  whose various forces — our open-ended post-9/11 wars, 
the ideological uniformity  of the parties — are making a kind of creeping 
caudillismo more likely. 
But if that  evil must come, woe to the president who chooses it. And make 
no mistake, the  president is free to choose. No immediate crisis forces his 
hand; no doom awaits  the country if he waits. He once campaigned on 
constitutionalism and executive  restraint; he once abjured exactly this power. 
There is still time for him to  respect the limits of his office, the lines of 
authority established by the  Constitution, the outcome of the last 
election. 
Or he can  choose the power grab, and the accompanying disgrace.
 

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