Real Clear  Politics  
 
Why the Left Casts a Blind Eye on Radical  Islam
By 
_Peter Berkowitz_ 
(http://www.realclearpolitics.com/authors/peter_berkowitz/)  - February 7, 2015


 
This week came news that the Islamic State of Iraq and the  Levant burned 
alive a Jordanian pilot in a metal cage. Thursday morning's  National Prayer 
Breakfast _speech_ 
(http://m.whitehouse.gov/the-press-office/2015/02/05/remarks-president-national-prayer-breakfast)
   represented the first sign that 
President Obama is prepared to  acknowledge a connection between Islam and 
the violence --  beheadings, mass murders, rape, human slavery, state 
sponsorship of  terrorism, and military conquest -- jihadists are perpetrating 
in 
Muhammad’s  name. 
To be sure, President Bush's "global war on terror" shielded the exact  
identity of America's adversary. But the Obama administration has taken  
euphemism to new heights. By avoiding reference to Islamic extremism or radical 
 
Islam, Obama has reinforced the left's proclivity to condemn  critics of 
radical Islam instead of the jihadists who fight in its  name.
 
 
Only last week, White House Press Secretary Josh Earnest and Deputy Press  
Secretary Eric Schultz staunchly denied to an incredulous press corps that 
the  Taliban is a terrorist organization. As former federal prosecutor Andrew 
 McCarthy _pointed  out_ 
(http://www.nationalreview.com/article/397626/why-obama-needs-pretend-taliban-arent-terrorists-andrew-c-mccarthy)
 , that is 
nonsense. The relevant provision of the U.S. Code is Sec. 1189  (a) of Title 
8. Since the Taliban is a foreign organization, engaged in  terrorist 
activity, and a national security threat to the United States, it  qualifies as 
a 
foreign terrorist organization. The purpose of the White  House’s ludicrous 
denial is to hide that the basis of the  Taliban's enmity, strategy, and 
objectives is a doctrine of Islamic  supremacy. 
Such suppression is nothing new for the administration. As early as  early 
2009, it renamed campaigns in the struggle against Islamic  extremism 
"overseas contingency operations." 
Then, in November 2009, U.S. Army  Major Nidal Malik Hasan committed 
premeditated mass murder  at Fort Hood in Texas, killing 13 and wounding 30 
more. 
Astonishingly, the  administration classified the massacre as a case of 
"workplace violence." It was  certainly violent. It was also inspired by 
Hasan’s 
religion as he made  clear while shouting "Allahu Akbar" as he sprayed 
military personnel with  bullets. He also received guidance from foreign 
terrorist organizations and had  exchanged emails with al-Qaeda leader Anwar 
al-Awlaki. 
Last September in a White House _speech_ 
(http://www.whitehouse.gov/the-press-office/2014/09/10/statement-president-isil-1)
 ,  Obama actually declared 
that ISIL -- even as it was establishing a new caliphate  in Iraq and Syria 
-- had nothing to do with Islam. 
The president has crass political calculations for disguising the  
religious inspiration of the jihadism currently roiling the Middle  East and 
plotting terrorist attacks around the globe. Obama claims to have  routed 
al-Qaeda, 
brought the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq to successful  conclusions, and to 
have made progress in negotiations with the Islamic Republic  of Iran over 
its nuclear program. 
It would be awkward to acknowledge that individuals, organizations, and  
states dedicated to radical Islam and committed to crushing and conquering the 
 West are making headway in the very arenas where he has declared victory 
or  boasted of gains. But the president also has reasons grounded in the 
progressive  or left-liberal sensibility that he epitomizes to avoid mention of 
the  Islamic roots of the jihadists' rage. Michael Walzer, editor emeritus 
of  Dissent, elucidates those reasons in a striking article in the  magazine’
s current issue. Although he never mentions Obama by  name, 
Walzer argues persuasively that the left has failed to adjust  its thinking 
to the rise of "Islamist zealotry" because of a set of  increasingly 
typical moral and intellectual errors. 
One of the nation's outstanding political theorists for almost half a 
century  and a politically engaged man of the left for just as  long, Walzer 
criticizes fellow leftists from within the tent. He  faults them in his essay, 
_"Islamism and  the Left,"_ 
(http://www.dissentmagazine.org/article/islamism-and-the-left)  for 
misunderstanding the moral and political imperatives that 
 flow from the leftist quest to advance freedom, equality, toleration, and  
pluralism. 
Walzer emphasizes his "generalized fear of every form of religious  
militancy" and notes that every religion is capable of inspiring fanaticism. 
But  
since the 1979 Iranian Revolution, he argues, Islamist zealotry is the form 
of  religious militancy that has posed the principal transnational threat to 
liberty  and democracy. Yet, he laments, many on the left ignore it or 
apologize for  it. 
The problem, Walzer argues, stems in part from the general failure  of 
those on the left to appreciate religion. Notwithstanding the evidence of  
recent decades, progressives cling to the Enlightenment conceit that faith is  
destined to fade as science flourishes and secularism spreads. 
Another reason the left has failed to grapple with the religious beliefs of 
 radical Islam is "the terrible fear of being called ‘Islamophobic.’”  
This, Walzer maintains, "makes some sense in Western Europe and  possibly also 
in America, where Muslims are recent immigrants, the objects of  
discrimination, police surveillance, sometimes police brutality, and popular  
hostility." But opposition to bigots, he insists, cannot justify exempting  
Islamists 
or Islam from criticism. 
Anxieties about "Orientalism" also play a role. Literary theorist Edward 
Said  claimed that decades of condescending Western scholarship produced  
distortions of the Muslim world by which Western elites sought to  marginalize 
Islam. This is the same Said, Walzer notes, who declared in his  1979 book, “
The Question of Palestine,” that “the return to ‘Islam’” was a  “
chimera." 
In addition, many on the left are blinded, Walzer contends, by  
anti-Americanism. They celebrate Islamists whom they imagine to be resisting 
the  
Western imperialism that they deplore. University of California, Berkeley  
Professor Judith Butler, for example, regards it as "extremely important" to  
understand Hamas and Hezbollah – Iranian-backed movements devoted to jihad -- 
as 
 "progressive" and "part of a global left." 
Many on the left, moreover, view Western imperialism as the true source of  
Islamic extremism. Applying a loosely Marxist analysis, they regard 
Islamism as  the distorted ideological reaction to the poverty and oppression 
that 
the West  has inflicted on the Muslim world. 
Finally, there are the radical multiculturalists. Their propensity to 
excuse  Islamic extremism is epitomized by French postmodernist Michel 
Foucault,  
who, Walzer writes, justified "the brutality of the Iranian  revolution" on 
the grounds that "Iran doesn't 'have the same regime of truth as  ours.'” 
But surely, argues Walzer, the respect for the dignity of the individual  
expressed in basic human rights, democracy, and the rule of law is not a  
Western idea, but rather a universal one that the West has embraced and seeks 
to  champion at home and abroad. 
How then, according to Walzer, should the left respond to the challenge  of 
Islamist zealotry? The left must admit that the progressive belief in the  
inevitable triumph of science and secularism has proven both elusive and  
facile. Leftists should attempt to understand the  theological bases of 
Islamist morality and politics. This will  enable them to distinguish between 
Islamic  zealotry and Islam in all its contemporary complexity and historical  
richness. And, having shed their own ideological blinders, it will  allow the 
left to grasp the transnational menace the Islamist zealots pose  to 
freedom, equality, toleration, and pluralism. 
Walzer's analysis and recommendations are eminently sensible. It is a  
measure of the extremism that grips much of the left that in an _exchange_ 
(http://www.dissentmagazine.org/article/islamism-and-left-exchange)   in 
Dissent 
following the article, Yale political scientist Andrew March greets  them 
with barely disguised disdain. 
A self-proclaimed leftist, March stresses his commitment to understanding  
Muslim religious claims. But he seems to confuse understanding Islam with an 
 uncritical sympathy for those who profess it. For example, he bitterly 
asserts  that "the war against violent Islamism is taking care of itself" 
although he  fails to provide a shred of evidence that Islamists in Libya, 
Gaza, 
Lebanon,  Syria, Iraq, Yemen, or Iran are on the run, or that zealotry is  
abating. March maintains that criticism of imperialism, colonialism, and  
global capitalism is in short supply, which will come as a surprise to anyone  
familiar with our universities. And he refuses to join Walzer in  regarding 
the Islamists as enemies; March finds too much uncertainty about what  can 
be done in the greater Islamic world to promote "left-liberal political  
goals" to take a stand. 
In replying to March's tutorial on the imperatives of an authentic  
leftism, Walzer exhibits admirable restraint. Even if Islamist  zealotry were a 
response to "colonialism, imperialism, and global  capitalism," Walzer rightly 
notes, it would still be necessary for the  left to understand why the 
zealots embraced radical Islam and not, for example,  Marxism, as well as to 
examine precisely what Islamist beliefs demand from the  faithful. 
To March's argument that as a leftist, Walzer should forthrightly  oppose 
the massive state violence directed at the Islamists,  Walzer responds that 
"the left-wing anti-communism of Dissent in its early  years" was subject to 
analogous criticism. But many of those who apologized for  or defended 
Stalin, Walzer trenchantly observes, "went on to defend or  apologize for 
third-world dictators who call themselves anti-imperialists and  for terrorists 
who 
call themselves liberators -- and now for Islamist  zealots." 
While March prefers to dwell on the crimes of the West and boasts of his  
belief in reform arising from within the Islamic  world, Walzer counters with 
a hard fact: "the America he [March]  excoriates is right now the only 
force effectively opposing or, at least,  containing, the power of ISIS and 
therefore the beheadings and the mass  executions and the enslavement of Yazidi 
girls." 
Hopefully, Michael Walzer's bracing critique of his fellow leftists  will 
ascend speedily to the top of Barack Obama's  reading list.

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