'Grover the good’ — the most honest president of them  all
 
By _Jeff Jacoby_ (http://www.bostonglobe.com/staff/jacoby) 
Boston Globe Columnist  February 15, 2015 
 
 
When  Grover Cleveland ran for president in 1884, he was endorsed by Joseph 
 Pulitzer’s New York World, which listed four reasons for encouraging its 
readers  to send Cleveland to the White House:  
“1. He is an honest man. 2. He is an honest man. 3. He is an honest man. 4. 
 He is an honest man.” 

As a prominent Democratic newspaper, the World’s support for Cleveland, the 
 Democratic nominee, was to be expected. But such insistent praise for a  
candidate’s truthfulness and honor was as remarkable then as it would be now —
  voters in the Gilded Age, like voters in the Digital Age, had ample 
grounds to  regard “honest politician” as a contradiction in terms. 
Applied to Cleveland, however, it was the unadorned truth. He was known 
above  all for his integrity, and rarely has the power of such a reputation 
propelled a  political figure so far, so fast. In 1882, he had taken office as 
the newly  elected mayor of Buffalo and promptly declared war on a ring of 
crooked city  aldermen who were taking kickbacks on inflated public 
contracts. The new mayor,  _derailing one such  contract_ 
(http://bit.ly/1zPt2VX) , 
flayed the council members who had approved it for their  “barefaced, 
impudent, and shameless scheme to betray the interests of the  people.” 
Cleveland’
s refusal to turn a blind eye to graft drew notice well  beyond the city’s 
limits. Less than a year into his term as mayor, he became the  Democratic 
candidate for governor of New York and went on to win the office in a  
landslide.  
As governor, Cleveland battled constantly with Tammany Hall, the infamous 
New  York City political machine, which controlled votes and manipulated 
elections  through fraud, patronage, and intimidation. Unintimidated by Tammany’
s clout,  Cleveland fired corrupt officials linked to the machine, vetoed 
pork-barrel  bills, and publicly inveighed against the political spoils 
system. Once again  his implacable honesty made him a hero to voters hungry for 
better government.  _Hardly had Cleveland gotten used to being governor_ 
(http://hallofgovernors.ny.gov/GroverCleveland)  when reform  Democrats began 
talking about him as presidential material. 
 
 
At the party’s _national convention in Chicago_ 
(http://www.chicagohs.org/history/politics/1884a.html) , Cleveland’s name was 
formally  placed in 
nomination by a delegate who praised the governor for “his honor, his  
integrity, 
his wisdom, and his Democracy.” That was the last thing the Tammany  forces 
wanted, and they maneuvered furiously to block Cleveland’s ascent. In a  
fiery speech seconding Cleveland’s nomination, Edward Stuyvesant Bragg — a 
Civil  War general and former US Representative — turned Tammany’s enmity 
into a  formidable Cleveland asset. It was true that people admired Cleveland 
for his  honesty, integrity, and strength, Bragg declared. “_But they love 
him most of all for the enemies he has  made_ 
(http://www.nytimes.com/learning/general/onthisday/harp/0719.html) .” 
That sent the convention into a paroxysm of adoration and cheers. Tammany’s 
 obstructionist efforts came to naught. Delegates voted overwhelmingly to 
make  Cleveland their standard-bearer, setting up a contest between a 
rough-hewn  Democrat who had never even seen the nation’s capital and a dapper 
Republican —  former House Speaker, Senator, and Secretary of State James G. 
Blaine of Maine —  who was the very epitome of an entrenched Washington 
insider.  
Not since George Washington had a candidate for president been so renowned  
for his rectitude. “Grover the good,” his supporters dubbed him. Not  
surprisingly, Republicans were elated when the Buffalo Evening Telegraph, an  
anti-Cleveland newspaper, printed a blockbuster story accusing the unmarried  
Cleveland of having seduced a young widow and _fathered a child out of 
wedlock_ 
(http://elections.harpweek.com/1884/cartoon-1884-Medium.asp?UniqueID=27&Year=1884)
 . It wasn’t the first sex  scandal in American political history; 
it certainly wouldn’t be the last. But it  may be the only one that ever 
enhanced a politician’s reputation for candor. As  the story exploded in 
headlines nationwide, Cleveland’s frantic allies asked how  Democrats should 
respond. The governor, who acknowledged the affair and had  contributed to the 
child’s support, responded in a telegram: “Whatever you do,  tell the truth.”
 
Voters were impressed. Cleveland won the election, the first Democrat to be 
 chosen president since James Buchanan in 1856, and the last until Woodrow 
Wilson  in 1912.  
The remarkable Cleveland is generally remembered by Americans today, when  
they remember him at all, as the only president to serve nonconsecutive 
terms —  he lost his bid for reelection in 1888 (despite winning a majority of 
the  popular vote), but he ran again successfully in 1892. What he should be  
remembered for is his monumental incorruptibility and commitment to ethical 
 government. As he had in Buffalo and in Albany, Cleveland brought with him 
to  Washington the ardent conviction that “a public office is a public 
trust,” and  that it was never appropriate for government to dole out favors at 
taxpayers’  expense, no matter how politically expedient.  
He was never paralyzed by the fear of saying “no.” In his first term 
alone,  Cleveland vetoed 414 bills, more than double the total of all the 
presidents who  preceded him. Over his eight years in the White House, 
_Cleveland 
rejected an astonishing 584 bills_ 
(http://www.senate.gov/reference/Legislation/Vetoes/vetoCounts.htm)  passed by  
Congress. That many of those measures 
were popular feel-good measures, such as  authorizations for specious 
veterans’ pensions, makes Cleveland’s fortitude all  the more impressive. Only 
1 
percent of his vetoes were overridden — a testament  to the power of ethical 
principle to withstand the political appetite for  spending other people’s 
money.  
Some presidents never met a principle they wouldn’t abandon for electoral  
gain. Cleveland, principled to the bone, was of a different breed.  
“He was not averse to popularity, but he put it far below the approval of  
conscience,” _H.  L. Mencken wrote of Cleveland_ 
(http://www.unz.org/Pub/AmMercury-1933jan-00125?View=PDF)  long after he left 
the White House. “It is 
not  likely that we shall see his like again, at least in the present age. 
The  presidency is now closed to the kind of character that he had so 
abundantly.”  
On this Presidents Day, could anything be more  dispiriting?

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