WSJ
 
An Administration Adrift on  Denial
Why won’t the president think clearly  about the nature of the Islamic 
State?

 
 
By 
Peggy Noonan 
 
Feb. 19, 2015 7:29 p.m. ET 

Great essays tell big truths. A deeply reported piece in next month’s  
Atlantic magazine does precisely that, and in a way devastating to the Obama  
administration’s thinking on ISIS. 
“What ISIS Really Wants,” by contributing editor Graeme Wood, is going to  
change the debate. (It ought to become a book.)  
Mr. Wood describes a dynamic, savage and so far successful organization 
whose  members mean business. Their mettle should not be doubted. ISIS controls 
an area  larger than the United Kingdom and intends to restore, and expand, 
the  caliphate. Mr. Wood interviewed Anjem Choudary of the banned 
London-based  Islamist group Al Muhajiroun, who characterized ISIS’ laws of war 
as 
policies of  mercy, not brutality. “He told me the state has an obligation to 
terrorize its  enemies,” Mr. Wood writes, “because doing so hastens victory 
and avoids  prolonged conflict.”  
ISIS has allure: Tens of thousands of foreign Muslims are believed to have  
joined. The organization is clear in its objectives: “We can gather that 
their  state rejects peace as a matter of principle; that it hungers for 
genocide; that  its religious views make it constitutionally incapable of 
certain 
types of  change . . . that it considers itself a harbinger of—and headline 
 player in—the imminent end of the world. . . . The Islamic State is  
committed to purifying the world by killing vast numbers of people.” 
The scale of the savagery is difficult to comprehend and not precisely 
known.  Regional social media posts “suggest that individual executions happen 
more or  less continually, and mass executions every few weeks.” Most, not 
all, of the  victims are Muslims.  
The West, Mr. Wood argues, has been misled “by a well-intentioned but  
dishonest campaign to deny the Islamic State’s medieval religious nature.  . . 
. 
The reality is that the Islamic State is Islamic. Very Islamic. Yes, it has 
attracted psychopaths and adventure seekers,” drawn  largely from the 
disaffected. “But the religion preached by its most ardent  followers derives 
from coherent and even learned interpretations of Islam.” Its  actions reflect “
a sincere, carefully considered commitment to returning  civilization to a 
seventh-century legal environment, and ultimately to bring  about the 
apocalypse.”  
Mr. Wood acknowledges that ISIS reflects only one, minority strain within  
Islam. “Muslims can reject the Islamic State; nearly all do. But pretending 
it  isn’t actually a religious, millenarian group, with theology that must 
be  understood to be combatted, has already led the United States to 
underestimate  it and back foolish schemes to counter it.” 
He quotes Princeton’s Bernard Haykel, the leading expert on ISIS’ 
theology.  The group’s fighters, Mr. Haykel says, “are smack in the middle of 
the 
medieval  tradition,” and denials of its religious nature spring from 
embarrassment,  political correctness and an “interfaith-Christian-nonsense 
tradition.”  
The Islamic State is different from al Qaeda and almost all other jihadist  
movements, according to Mr. Wood, “in believing that it is written into God’
s  script as a central character.” Its spokesman has vowed: “We will 
conquer your  Rome, break your crosses, and enslave your women.” They believe 
we 
are in the  End of Days. They speak of how “the armies of Rome will mass to 
meet the armies  of Islam in northern Syria.” The battle will be Rome’s 
Waterloo. After that, a  countdown to the apocalypse.  
Who exactly is “Rome”? That’s unclear. Maybe Turkey, maybe any infidel 
army.  Maybe America. 
What should the West do to meet the challenge? Here Mr. Wood’s tone turns  
more tentative. We should help the Islamic State “self-immolate.”  
Those urging America to commit tens of thousand of troops “should not be  
dismissed too quickly.” ISIS is, after all, an avowedly genocidal and  
expansionist organization, and its mystique can be damaged if it loses its grip 
 
on the territory it holds. Al Qaeda, from which ISIS is estranged and which 
it  has eclipsed, can operate as an underground network. ISIS cannot, “
because  territorial authority is a requirement.”  
But ISIS wants to draw America into the fight. A U.S. invasion and  
occupation, Mr. Wood argues, would be a propaganda victory for them, because  
they’
ve long said the U.S. has always intended to embark on a modern-day crusade  
against Islam. And if a U.S. ground invasion launched and failed, it would 
be a  disaster.  
The best of bad options, Mr. Wood believes, is to “slowly bleed” ISIS 
through  air strikes and proxy warfare. The Kurds and the Shiites cannot 
vanquish them,  but they can “keep the Islamic State from fulfilling its duty 
to 
expand.” That  would make it look less like “the conquering state of the 
Prophet Muhammed. ” As  time passed ISIS could “stagnate” and begin to sink. 
Word of its cruelties would  spread; it could become another failed state.  
But that death, as Mr. Wood notes, “is unlikely to be quick,” and any 
number  of things could go wrong, including a dangerous rapprochement with al 
Qaeda.  
Mr. Wood’s piece is bracing because it is fearless—he is apparently not  
afraid of being called a bigot or an Islamophobe. It is important because it  
gives people, especially political leaders, information they need to 
understand  a phenomenon that may urgently shape U.S. foreign policy for the 
next 
10 years.  
In sorry contrast, of course, are the Obama administration’s willful  
delusions and dodges. They reached their height this week when State Department 
 
spokesman Marie Harf talked on MSNBC of the “root causes” that drive 
jihadists,  such as “lack of opportunity for jobs.” She later went on CNN to 
explain: “Where  there’s a lack of governance, you’ve had young men attracted 
to this terrorist  cause where there aren’t other opportunities. . . . So how 
do you get  at that root causes?” She admitted her view “might be too 
nuanced of an argument  for some.” 
Yes, it might. 
It isn’t about getting a job. They have a job: waging jihad. 
The president famously cannot even name the ISIS threat forthrightly, and  
that is a criticism not of semantics but of his thinking. ISIS isn’t  the 
only terrorist group, he says, Christians have committed their own sins over  
history, what about the Crusades, don’t get on your high horse. It’s all so 
 evasive. Each speech comes across as an attempt to make up for the 
previous  speech’s mistakes in tone and substance. At the “violent extremism” 
summit this  week he emphasized Islamic “legitimate grievances” and lectured 
America on the  need for tolerance toward American Muslims.  
Of extremists he said: “They say they are religious leaders—they are not  
religious leaders, they are terrorists.” But ISIS and its followers believe 
they  are religious leaders, prophets who use terrorism to achieve aims they 
 find in religious texts. 
On the closing day of the summit the president said, “When people are  
oppressed and human rights are denied . . . when dissent is silenced,  it feeds 
violent extremism.” Yes, sure. But isn’t ISIS oppressing people,  denying 
their human rights and silencing dissent? 
“When peaceful democratic change is impossible, it feeds into the terrorist 
 propaganda that violence is the only available answer.” Yes, sure. But the 
young  men and women ISIS recruits from Western nations already live in 
peaceful  democracies.  
It’s not enough. They want something else. It is, ironically, disrespectful 
 not to name what they are, and what they are about.

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