TheTorah.com
 
 
A More Religious Megillat Esther? 
The  Jewish-Greek Version of the Book of Esther and what it tells us about 
Jewish Identity  in Ancient Times 
Prof. Aaron  Koller (Yeshiva University, New York) 
 
 
 
One of the most famous – and significant – features  of the Hebrew book of 
Esther is the absence of any mention of God.  Some of  the book’s earliest 
readers were disturbed enough by that fact that they  actually changed it.  
They changed a lot of other details, as  well. 
For readers familiar with the Hebrew book of  Esther, encountering the 
Greek version of the book is a surprising  experience.  The most surprising 
parts are the large sections of the Greek  text known as the “Additions to 
Esther
”; these may be found in any Catholic  Bible, in collections of Apocrypha, 
or on-line.[1] 
The Six  Additions 
These are six blocks of  text, conventionally labeled A through F, found in 
all known Greek versions of  Esther and without any parallel in the Hebrew 
text.  These six passages can  be grouped into three pairs.  Additions A and 
F, found at the very  beginning and very end of the book, are a dream of 
Mordecai’s (A) and its  interpretation (F).  In his dream, Mordecai sees two 
dragons fighting,  threatening to destroy the world; peace is effected by a 
spring that bursts  forth.  At the end of the book, he realizes that the two 
dragons  represented himself and Haman, and that their conflict would have 
wreaked havoc  had it not been for Esther.  Addition A also contains another 
short  narrative of an attempt on the king’s life, foiled by Mordecai – 
just like the  narrative in chapter 2.  Additions B and E are the texts of, 
respectively,  the letter Haman sent out against the Jews, and the letter 
Esther and Mordecai  sent out allowing the Jews to defend themselves.  Addition 
C 
contains  prayers uttered by Mordecai and Esther for the salvation of the 
Jews, and  Addition D tells an expanded version of the story of Esther’s 
approach to the  king. [2]
 
 
The origin of these  “Additions,” comprising altogether 107 verses (while 
the original Hebrew text  contains only 167 verses) is somewhat mysterious, 
but it does seem clear that  these six passages were literally added onto 
the book.  In 1944, C.  C. Torrey summarized the consensus regarding one major 
theme of the Additions:  “The main reason for making the additions, it is 
commonly said, was the wish of  the Greek-speaking Jews of Egypt to give to 
the story of Esther the religious  atmosphere that is so sadly lacking in the 
Hebrew version.”[3]   This raises a whole suite of important questions.  
What was wrong with the  book of Esther that needed “fixing”?  Why did these 
early readers feel that  they had the right to “correct” it?




Why were the addition  made?
The goals of these Additions need not be reducible to a  single idea, and 
may in fact originate in different times and places.[4]  For our purposes, 
however,  the most important aspect of these passages is the “religious 
atmosphere” to  which Torrey referred, and which pervades the Additions, 
starting 
with the very  idea of Mordecai as a dreamer.[5]  As a dreamer, and 
especially  as a dream interpreter, Mordecai is brought in line with Daniel 
and, 
more  importantly, with their predecessor Joseph.[6]  This not only established 
 Mordecai as reminiscent of earlier biblical heroes, but also establishes 
his  religious bona fides: he, like Joseph and Daniel, was the recipient of 
divine  revelation and (by implication) divine approval.  Certainly, the 
author of  Addition A was biblically-oriented:[7] the dream contains many  
intertextual references to other biblical books.  These include use of the  
imagery of the dragon, fountain, battle, and the contrast between dark and 
light  
from Jeremiah 28.[8]  
The interpretation of the dream in Addition F adds  to the connection to 
the Joseph story.  The Bible, and even the Joseph  story, contains different 
types of dreams.  Unlike Pharaoh’s dreams, which  need interpretation, Joseph’
s own dreams are transparent.  Their meaning is  immediately clear, even if 
it is not clear how the reality foretold in the dream  will come about.  
All that is needed is for history to unfold to discover  how they come true.  
The same is true for Mordecai’s dreams, as he  discovers, and reveals to the 
readers, in Addition F:[9] 
Mordecai said, “These things have come from God,  for I remember about the 
dream I saw concerning these matters – not even a word  of them has failed 
to be fulfilled!  There was the little spring that  became a river, and there 
was light and sun and abundant water: Esther is the  river, whom the king 
married and made queen; the two dragons are myself and  Haman; the nations 
are those that gathered to destroy the name of the Judeans;  and my nation, 
this is Israel, who cried out to God and were saved!  The  Lord saved his 
people, delivering us from all these threats of treachery, and  performed signs 
and great wonders which have not happened among the  nations.”[10] 
Esther’s  Prayer
Addition C contains the prayers of Mordecai and Esther.  Esther’s in 
particular is worthy of notice in this context.  The Queen here  laments the 
Jews’ 
existence in exile and blames their own sins for the  lamentable situation: 
“we have sinned against You, and You have handed us over  to our enemies” 
(C:17).  Esther bemoans her own situation as queen.   The position is 
abhorrent first of all because of her intermarriage: “You know  that I…abhor 
the 
bed of the uncircumcised, and of any foreigner” (C:26).   But it is also 
deplorable in its own right: “You know…that I abhor the symbol of  my lofty 
position which is on my head when I am seen in public – I abhor it like  a 
menstruous rag!” (C: 27).  Certainly, Esther protests, perhaps just a bit  too 
much, that she has kept the laws of the Torah to the extent possible: “Your  
servant has never dined at Haman’s table, nor have I extolled the king’s 
banquet  or drunk the wine of libations” (C:28).[11]
 
Hellenizing  Esther
Addition D describes  Esther’s entry into the throne room.  Anxious, she 
faints when the king  looks at her, and her husband revives her and assures 
her that the prohibition  against approaching the king uninvited does not 
apply to royalty.  (This  scene became one of the most famous scenes in 
medieval 
and early modern  Christian paintings of the book of Esther since their 
artists knew Esther as a  longer book, with the additions.  For Jews familiar 
only with the Hebrew  text, this scene would have been unfamiliar, since 
nothing similar appears  there.)  
This scene violates the narrative’s integrity and  undermines Esther’s 
heroism. Not only do we wonder how the queen could have been  ignorant of the 
rules that applied to her, but the bold resolve displayed in  chapter 4 turns 
out to have been pointless, predicated on a mistaken belief  about the law. 
The motivation for this addition was not to amplify the themes of  the 
book, but to bring the book more in line with Hellenistic romances. These  
texts 
habitually included explicit soliloquies and confessions of emotions, and  
numerous protestations of piety. Fainting due to overwhelming emotion was a  
common theme, for both men and women.[12] 
Addition D, then, does  not appear to be due to religious motives.  
Additions A, C, and F, however,  show that the book was important enough to be 
revised, and that  some  people wanted the protagonists of the Book of Esther 
to 
act in a more  admirable fashion.  Therefore, they improved and enhanced it 
in certain  fundamental respects.  In other words, the Greek Additions show 
us just  what bothered ancient readers about the Hebrew book of Esther.  
Without  these Additions, one could question Mordecai’s religious stature; one 
could  wonder about Esther’s true piety; one could doubt whether the whole 
episode  celebrated in the Megillah was really what God desired.

Adding  God
It is not only the Additions  which “correct” the Hebrew text – although 
they provide the most striking  examples – but the Greek version as a whole.  
Most strikingly, the Greek  translator has “corrected” the “deficiency” 
of the lack of God’s name  throughout, by inserting it at points where it 
seems natural! 
For example, when Esther first becomes queen, the Hebrew  text reports that 
she did not reveal her ancestry, in accord with Mordecai’s  instructions to 
her.  With this, the Greek agrees (“she did not reveal her  ancestry, for 
so Mordecai had commanded her”), but the Greek version then  continues: “for 
so Mordecai had commanded her, to fear God and to do his  commandments, 
just as when she was with him; so Esther did not change her way of  life” 
(2:20).  When Mordecai discovers Haman’s plot to kill the Jews,  rather than 
imploring Esther to go to the king on the grounds that “perhaps” she  became 
queen for just this reason, Greek Mordecai is far more direct: “Remember  your 
humble days…call upon the Lord and speak to the king about us – deliver us 
 from death!”[13] 
Finally, chapter 6 begins and ends very differently in  the Greek than it 
does in the Hebrew: 
Hebrew  
Greek   
That night the sleep of the king  fled…  
But the Mighty One kept sleep from the king that  night….[14]   
His advisers and his wife Zeresh said to him,  “Since Mordecai, before whom 
your downfall has started, is of Jewish  origin, you cannot stand against 
him—you will surely come to  ruin!”  
His wife and his friends said to him: “If Mordecai  is of the race of the 
Judeans…you will never be able to ward him off,  because a living god is with 
 him.” 
The Historical  background
Where in history can we  situate the Additions, and Greek Esther as a 
whole?  Fortunately, the text  includes a colophon – an addition to the 
manuscript, written at the end, in  which the scribe provides information about 
the 
composition or copying of the  text just completed.  This colophon is unique 
in the Greek Bible, and  informs us regarding the origins of the Additions.  
It states that in the  fourth year of Ptolemy and Cleopatra, two men named 
Dositheos and Ptolemy, who  said they were priests, arrived from Jerusalem.  
They brought with them the  book of Esther, called “the letter about Purim 
(Phrouai),” and they explained  that it had been translated by one 
Lysimachus in Jerusalem.  The Ptolemy  involved must have been Ptolemy XII, who 
came 
to the throne of Egypt in 80 BCE,  and thus this Greek book of Esther 
reached Alexandria in 77/76 BCE.[15] 
Purim, along with a version of Esther similar to the  MT, may have become 
popular in Alexandria, for many of the same reasons Esther  was written in 
Persia. Here, too, there were Jews who were culturally integrated  into the 
surrounding (in this case Hellenistic) society, who spoke only the  common 
language of their neighbors (in this case Greek), and who were involved  in the 
bureaucracy of the city and of the wider empire.  Here, too, the  Jews 
could be victims of vicious rulers, as they had been violently reminded in  a 
massacre during the previous century.[16]  The dependence on  the foreign 
power, and the unquestioned assumption that Jewish life would  continue outside 
of Israel, would have made Purim an attractive festival and  Esther an 
attractive book. 
Unlike the Jewish community in Persia and Mesopotamia,  however, the 
Alexandrian Jews were geographically close to the Jews in Israel,  and to a 
large 
extent under the influence of the latter.  The colophon to  Greek Esther may 
indicate that the Palestinian Jews deemed it important that the  Jews of 
Alexandria receive a copy of their new and improved version of Esther –  with 
at least Additions A, C, D, and F – which brought the book and its  
associated festival back in line with what was, to their minds, normative 
Jewish  
ideology and practice: devotion to God, prayer, an abhorrence of intermarriage 
 and even commensality, and a fealty to Jewish law and practice.  In other  
words, this was probably a revised edition produced by Palestinian Jews and 
sent  to Alexandria to correct the diaspora-centric edition which the Jews 
there  already had. 
This process of revision is a powerful example of the  dialogues and 
discussions which must have taken place during the days of the  Second Temple, 
as 
Jews struggled to define their identity, whether living as  residents in 
Judea or in far-flung diaspora communities in Persia, Mesopotamia,  or Egypt.  
The book of Esther threw down the gauntlet, challenging Jews to  consider 
the limits of their tradition and how they could live as both faithful  Jews 
and productive citizens in the broader empire.  In the eyes of some,  
however, it went too far.  It is no accident that the Additions were added  in 
Hasmonean Jerusalem; the Hasmoneans had a very different attitude toward life  
under the empire than the intermarried Esther.  And it is likely no  accident 
that the book of Esther is the one book to not be preserved at all  among 
the Dead Sea Scrolls: for the Qumran community, intermarriage was a  capital 
crime, and a community that withdrew from the “impure” society of  
Jerusalem certainly could not tolerate a book where the heroes were so enmeshed 
 in 
imperial culture. 

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