from the site:
The Philos Project
 
 
The Plight of Palestine’s Religious  Minorities


 
 
 
Last year, the Palestinian Authority made a promise to respect “the _civil 
and  political rights_ 
(http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Civil_and_political_rights)  of individuals, 
including the _right to life_ 
(http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Right_to_life) , _freedom of religion_ 
(http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Freedom_of_religion) ,  _freedom of speech_ 
(http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Freedom_of_speech) ,  _freedom of  assembly_ 
(http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Freedom_of_assembly) , electoral rights and 
rights to due process and a fair 
trial” by  signing the United Nations International Covenant on Civil and 
Political  Rights. 
The PA has also signed the International Covenant on Economic, Social and  
Cultural Rights, the Convention on the Rights of the Child and the Arab 
Charter  on Human Rights. 
All of these documents guarantee freedom of religion in some way. 
But that doesn’t necessarily mean that religious minorities under the PA  
enjoy freedom. In fact, according to a new report from the Jerusalem 
Institute  of Justice, these minorities face many “unreported, often censored, 
violations  by Palestinian governing authorities against Palestinians.” The JIJ 
report is an  effort to provide a voice for those marginalized Palestinians — 
 mostly Christians — who cannot speak for themselves. 
The United Nations Human Rights Committee defines the  freedom of religion 
as the right to have or adopt a religion or belief of one’s  choice. 
Religious freedom does not merely guarantee an individual’s right to  practice 
the 
religion of his or her choosing; it also guarantees him freedom  from 
religion. While on paper this freedom is theoretically available  to everyone 
in 
the world, the Pew Research Center claims that “nearly 70  percent of the 
world’s population lives in countries with high restrictions on  religion.” 
The JIJ report suggests that “Palestine” is one such (aspiring)  country. 
While acknowledging the “extreme complexity” of the religious situation in 
 the West Bank and Gaza, JIJ calls for Palestinian leaders to be held 
accountable  for the religious freedom violations they have committed against  
their own people. 
The Palestinian Basic Law currently functions as Palestine’s temporary  
constitution and says that, while Islam is the official Palestinian religion,  “
respect for the sanctity of all other divine religions shall be maintained.”
  But that same document allows for legislation that contradicts the 
freedom of  religion by specifying that Shari’a is the country’s main  source 
of 
legislation. 
To ensure that its citizens have complete freedom of religion, a country 
must  “allow for the freedom of religious minorities not to participate in  
the religious customs of other religions,”must not restrict religious practice 
 or ritual, and must not attempt to impose a dominant religious belief or  
lifestyle onto its citizens. 
JIJ points to a common thread of either implied or explicit antagonism 
toward  Palestine’s religious minorities that is woven through many of the 
country’s  laws. 
For example, residents of the West Bank are subject to hard labor for  life 
for selling land to an “enemy state or one of its subjects” (referring to  
Jews and sometimes Christians). Most Palestinians take this to mean that 
they  are forbidden to sell property to any non-Muslim. JIJ calls this “
religious  discrimination against the potential buyers who are obstructed from 
obtaining  property due to the fears of selling it to them,” a violation of the 
ICCPR’s  Article 17, which says that “everyone has the right to own 
property.” 
The discussion of freedom of religion flows over into personal status laws  
because, in the Palestinian territories, these laws depend on a person’s  
religion. For example, Palestinian marriages are invalid if they are made  
between a Muslim woman and a non-Muslim man; in the West Bank, that invalidity 
 extends to marriages between a Muslim man and a Jewish or Christian woman. 
In  addition, mothers are able to gain custody of their children if, and 
only if,  they are not apostates of Islam — i.e., converts to another 
religion. 
Children of “invalid” marriages are considered born out of wedlock and 
cannot  be registered or obtain identification, a violation of the ICCPR’s 
Article  16 which says that “everyone shall have the right to recognition 
everywhere as a  person before the law.” 
Muslims – or Muslim converts – in the territories have full rights to  
citizenship, but the same cannot be said of those who choose to leave Islam.  
Although the letter of the Palestine law allows for the adoption or rejection 
of  Islam, converts to another religion end up losing all social and 
religious  protection and can face the loss of property, the nullification of 
marriage and,  ultimately, the loss of their lives via the death penalty. In 
addition, those  who identify as secular or atheistic often hide their 
non-beliefs under a  religious façade to avoid arrest. 
JIJ also accuses the PA of violating the inherent right to life, which is  
also promised in the ICCPR. This treaty allowed the death penalty to be 
imposed  for only the “most serious of crimes,” but JIJ points out the PA’s 
consideration  of conversion from Islam or the sale of land to a non-believer “
serious crimes”  punishable by death – a belief the rest of the civilized 
world does not  share. 
The PA does not always publicly discriminate and persecute Christians, but  
only intervenes on behalf of Christians selectively or not all, especially  
when it means taking a stance against a Muslim. That being said,  the 
situation for Christians in the West Bank is far better than for  Christians in 
Gaza where they are “treated as second-class citizens.” 
While registered Christians certainly do not have an easy life under  
Palestinian governance, JIJ says that converts from Islam to Christianity  are 
in 
an even worse situation. The PA and Palestinian society forbids  
conversion, forcing converts to live secret lives pretending to be Muslim  to 
avoid 
arrest – or worse. Christian churches are often afraid to allow  converts in 
their midst for fear of attack, and the PA does not involve itself  when 
converts are hurt or killed. According to JIJ, “evangelizing to Muslims is  not 
accepted.” 
Jews are also ostracized in the land that would be Palestine. While those  
Jews living in the West Bank are not legally subject to the PA’s control,  
they are still affected by extreme prejudice. In Gaza, they are forbidden. 
The  Hamas Charter, Article 7, says that, “The Day of Judgment will not come 
about  until Muslims fight and kill the Jews.” Many Palestinian officials 
have  expressed their concern about Jews’ assimilating into Palestinian culture 
and  have argued against allowing Israeli settlers to hold dual nationality 
in the  event of a two-state solution. 
After systematically looking into dozens of  Palestinian laws, citing a 
multitude of examples of religious persecution,  and interviewing many 
Palestinians on the ground, JIJ concludes that, despite  the Palestine’s 
professed 
promise of religious freedom, existing laws (and  the failure to enforce 
them) do not protect religious minorities. 
Many Palestinian laws directly contradict both the PABL and the ICCPR. JIJ  
calls on the PA to “protect and respect” its international obligations  
and uphold the freedom of religion. 
JIJ believes that the Palestinian Authority does religious minorities a  
disservice by adhering to outdated and discriminatory practices and failing  
to give its own citizens the freedoms that they deserve. JIJ asks that the  
international community “hold the Palestinian leadership accountable for  
respecting and protecting the rights of those under its governance,” and said  
that facts should replace “distorted misunderstandings of the regional  
situation.” 
For more information about JIJ, visit their website at www.jij.org. 



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