NYT
 
The Lessons of Kasich
 
 
 
(http://topics.nytimes.com/top/opinion/editorialsandoped/oped/columnists/rossdouthat/index.html)
 
 
_Ross Douthat_ (http://www.nytimes.com/column/ross-douthat)  APRIL 14, 2016 



 
We have reached, at last, the _John  Kasich_ 
(http://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2016/us/elections/john-kasich-on-the-issues.html?inline=nyt-per)
  
moment. The next six Republican primaries are in his kind of  territory: blue 
states, Northeastern, moderate, exactly the sort of places where  his 
positioning as the electable, reasonable Republican is designed to pay off  
big. 
But unfortunately he’s not likely to win any of them.  Which makes this 
Kasich moment a lot like the last Kasich moment, when the  campaign moved to 
his native Midwest … and he lost Illinois and Michigan  handily. And, for that 
matter, a lot like the Kasich moment before that, when he  camped out in 
New Hampshire, the state that his campaign was obviously scripted  to win … 
and finished 20 points behind Donald Trump. 
Yet say this for Kasich: Despite having lost every  single Republican 
contest except on his home turf of Ohio, despite having  finished behind Marco 
Rubio in Arizona after Rubio dropped out, despite  running a campaign that has 
failed at signature gathering and filling delegate  slots and made 
pointless forays into unwinnable states, when this dust of 2016  settles he 
will 
have one claim to bragging rights. 
He’ll probably be the only Republican nominee to ever  lead Hillary Clinton 
by 11 points in a national poll. 
Now that was just one survey, from Fox News in  mid-March. And Kasich’s 
average lead over Clinton, a healthy 6.7 percent in the  _RealClearPolitics  
average_ 
(http://www.realclearpolitics.com/epolls/2016/president/us/general_election_kasich_vs_clinton-5162.html)
 , is clearly padded by his status as an 
also-ran in the Republican  contest. Nobody’s attacking him on the trail, 
nobody in the national media is  going over his record, nobody’s looking at 
his current policy positions in any  detail. (Or, really, at all: Quick, name 
one!) 
 
But for all of that, it’s  also true that if you laboratory-grew a 
Republican politician to win a  presidential election in the current political 
climate, he would probably look a  lot like Kasich.

Now and likely more so in the future, the G.O.P.’s path  back to the White 
House is likely to run through the Midwest. Now and likely  more so in the 
future, the G.O.P. would benefit from nominating a candidate who  is 
religious but not a Southern evangelical, who has a blue-collar  background and 
affect, who can point to at least one major break with his  party’s economic 
orthodoxies (in Kasich’s case, that would be his support for  Ohio’s Medicaid 
expansion) and who generally projects an air of moderation  rather than 
ideological zeal. 
Of course not every aspect of Kasich’s persona fits this  ideal profile 
(his sojourn at Lehman Brothers, especially). But he’s closer to  the profile 
than Scott Walker, once (and perhaps again) the conservative  movement’s 
Great Midwestern Hope, precisely because he has a little more  distance than 
Walker from the official conservative movement line. And he’s far,  far closer 
than either Trump or Ted Cruz, which is why the gap between his  
general-election polls and theirs isn’t just an artifact of his  also-ran 
position. 
The question, then, is whether the party could ever  actually nominate a 
figure with this profile. Or put another way, is there a  2016 counterfactual 
in which John Kasich doesn’t end up as an extraordinarily  persistent loser? 
It would be foolish, in this year of Trump and Cruz, to  answer yes. But 
Kasich’s struggles do suggest two lessons for electable  Midwesterners running 
in the future. 
First, disagree with conservatives on some issues,  but don’t lecture them 
about your virtue. Kasich’s record is hardly  left-wing, and he clearly 
passes more conservative litmus tests than the record  Mitt Romney campaigned 
on 
in 2012. But like Jon Huntsman before him, another  governor with John 
Weaver as his campaign manager, Kasich hasn’t really tried to  woo or reassure 
the right, to promise that while there are differences, he’s  mostly on their 
side. Instead he has consistently virtue-signaled to the media  in ways 
that have the opposite effect. 
In Huntsman’s case, this habit included smug barbs about  how much more 
reasonable and science-y he was than the average Republican. In  Kasich’s case, 
it has included _pious  lectures_ 
(http://www.washingtonexaminer.com/does-john-kasichs-religiosity-turn-off-religious-conservatives/article/2566734)
  
about how his Medicaid expansion makes him more Christian than the  average 
small-government Republican. 
He’s allowed to think that, of course, and in the light  of eternity he 
might be vindicated. But phrasing it that way, in a party in  which piety and 
limited government sentiment are a package deal for many voters  and 
activists, was clear political malpractice. 
 
 


Second, target blue-collar  voters with more than biography. As much as 
Kasich’s failure to reassure  ideological conservatives hurt him, his real 
problem is that he’s been boxed out  by Trump among what should have been his 
campaign’s target demographic:  working-class, economically moderate 
Republicans in the Rust Belt and Northeast.  (He didn’t lose New Hampshire or 
Michigan to Ted Cruz, after all.) 
That happened for many reasons, starting with Trump’s  celebrity and media 
domination, and obviously Kasich couldn’t have imitated  Trump’s toxic 
race-baiting without making himself just as toxic in the general  election

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