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Trump's Nomination Is a Response to Elites' Failure


 
 
 
 
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By _Jeffrey H.  Anderson_ 
(http://www.realclearpolitics.com/authors/jeffrey_h_anderson/) 
July 20, 2016

 
 
 
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Donald Trump’s acceptance of the Republican presidential nomination is 
being  accompanied by a great deal of handwringing on the part of many 
center-right  elites.  But if Trump’s nomination is really the disaster that 
such 
elites  claim—which is hardly a self-evident truth—they don’t need to look far 
for its  cause.  For Trump’s nomination is the result of elites’ failure 
in four key  ways. 
1. Failure to listen to the citizenry


 
For years, the Republican electorate has been frustrated by the party’s  
refusal to fight for much of anything.  Worse, the GOP’s elected  
representatives sometimes choose to fight against their own  constituents, 
ignoring 
voters’ concerns in the apparent interest of being  well-received at D.C. 
cocktail parties.  Just last week, in the wake of a  crime uptick and the 
brazen 
murder of Dallas police, House Republicans  inexplicably _announced_ 
(http://www.weeklystandard.com/gop-house-to-advance-criminal-justice-reform-unpopular
-with-conservatives/article/2003343)   their intention to put “
criminal-justice reform” legislation up for a vote after  the August recess.  
This 
soft-on-crime “reform” is a key item on President  Obama’s 2016 wish list, and 
the Republican House’s willingness to be  accommodating is the kind of 
political and policy calculation that leaves one’s  head spinning.  
But when it comes to failure to listen to the electorate, nothing—or at 
least  nothing this side of Obamacare—compares to efforts to pass open-borders  
immigration “reform.”  After Obama’s re-election, essentially all of the  
Democratic Party and much of the Republican Party tried to ram “
comprehensive  reform” down the throats of an unwilling citizenry.  At a time 
when the  
percentage of the U.S. population that is foreign-born has actually 
surpassed  (_see  table 2_ 
(https://www.census.gov/population/projections/data/national/2014/summarytables.html)
 ) the _percentage_ 
(https://www.census.gov/newsroom/pdf/cspan_fb_slides.pdf)   during the great 
waves of immigration in 
1880 or 1920—and amid deliberate _efforts_ 
(http://hudson.org/research/11687-ap-u-s-history-bias-still-runs-deep)   to 
minimize the importance of 
assimilation—elites continue to deny the problem  of illegal immigration and 
claim 
that anyone who opposes it is racist,  xenophobic, and generally 
unenlightened.  And voters—especially Republican  voters—have had enough.
 
 
2. Failure to heed the Founders’ warnings about direct  democracy 
More than four decades ago, the Republican Party adopted a  
presidential-selection process that was conceived of by the left-wing of the  
Democratic 
Party.  That process is essentially direct democracy in  action.  There is no 
effort to “refine and enlarge” public opinion.   There is no filtering 
process.  There is no opportunity to reach  consensus.  Indeed, the candidate 
who was probably the closest to a  consensus candidate in this year’s GOP 
field, Scott Walker, was the first one  out under this horribly flawed system.  
It is no surprise that a process  that was adopted with very little 
forethought and that relies on direct  democracy hasn’t served the party, or 
the 
country, well. 
Jay Cost and I have _proposed_ 
(http://2017project.org/2013/08/republican-nomination-process/#.V40YKTWUKvA)   
a nomination system based on the process 
that was used to ratify the  Constitution.  It would empower the grassroots, 
reinstitute a meaningful  convention, promote consensus, and cure many of 
the other ills of the current  selection process.  But until the GOP adopts 
such an overhaul, or something  in that spirit, its presidential-selection 
system will continue to produce the  sort of dissatisfying results that the 
Founders would have expected from a  process that relies on direct democracy.  
As James Madison wrote in  “Federalist No. 10,” such a process “can admit 
of no cure for the mischiefs of  faction.” 
3. Failure to make the big-picture case 
Of the 17 candidates who sought the Republican presidential nomination, 
none  made the case on big-picture issues—with the exception of Trump.  The  
eventual victor emphasized the need to secure our borders against illegal  
immigration, while arguing in favor of trade deals that focus more on the  
well-being of American workers.  What big-picture issues did any of the  other 
candidates run on?  
The governors mostly looked in the rearview mirror and talked about their  
records in their states.  Sen. Marco Rubio ran on electability.  Sen.  Ted 
Cruz ran on conservative purity.  (If Cruz had run on Obamacare,  championing 
_a  conservative alternative_ 
(http://www.hudson.org/research/12004-an-alternative-to-obamacare) , he might 
well _have  won_ 
(http://www.weeklystandard.com/how-cruz-could-win/article/2001231) .)  Indeed, 
aside from Rubio’s 
efforts to advance Obama’s  immigration agenda, what big-picture issues can 
easily be associated with any of  Trump’s opponents?  Whose campaign really 
emphasized Obamacare, the  national debt, or fidelity to the Constitution? 
4. Failure to back the viable challenger 
Most of the NeverTrumpers were supporters of Rubio or, to a lesser extent,  
Jeb Bush (both of whom were among the leaders in not listening to the 
American  people on immigration—see point No. 1).  Even when it was painfully 
obvious  that Cruz was the only candidate who could potentially stop Trump, 
they refused  to throw meaningful support behind the challenger.  
To be sure, there were a few exceptions, most notably Bush himself and  
Lindsey Graham (both of whom endorsed Cruz), but the general refusal to boost  
the Texas senator was clear.  After Cruz won in Wisconsin and seemed poised  
to likely wrestle the nomination from Trump, the NeverTrumpers either 
stayed on  the sidelines or else backed the hapless John Kasich campaign, to 
Trump
’s  benefit.  
In truth, the NeverTrumpers were really #NeverTrump, #NeverCruz,  
#AlwaysRubio.  When they likely could have stopped Trump, they didn’t even  
try. 
Summing up elites’ failures 
In each of these four ways, center-right elites enabled Trump’s win.  If  
they don’t like the result, they should look in the mirror.  Republican  
representatives failed to listen to voters.  Republican National Committee  
members adopted a direct-democracy-based nomination system inspired by the left 
 
wing of the Democratic Party and then failed to scrap it across decades of  
mostly mediocre nominees.  Republican presidential candidates failed to  
focus on big-picture issues.  And Republican pundits and influence-peddlers  
didn’t back the chief challenger when he was potentially poised to take the  
lead. 
As all of this suggests, the problems in our politics lie more with the  
elites than with the citizenry.  Among everyday Americans, there is a  
refreshingly strong sentiment—fueled by eight years of Obama and the statist  
disaster that is Obamacare—in favor of our founding principles.  This  
sentiment 
was most evident in the rise of the Tea Party.  But  conservative-leaning 
elites have generally failed to channel these salutary  sentiments toward 
productive ends.  
To be sure, conventional wisdom holds that the Tea Party isn’t having much  
effect on this election.  But consider this:  The three eventual  
presidential candidates who spoke at the January 2015 South Carolina Tea Party  
Convention, perhaps the nation’s largest, were Ben Carson, Cruz, and  Trump.  
Collectively, these three won almost three-quarters—_72.5  percent_ 
(http://uselectionatlas.org/RESULTS/national.php?f=0&year=2016&elect=2) —of the 
GOP 
primary vote.  
A clearer rebuke of insider elites is hardly imaginable—and the rebuke is  
well-deserved.

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