Reason
 
 
_Where the Third-Party Candidates Were  Strongest_ 
(http://reason.com/blog/2016/11/09/where-the-third-party-candidates-were-st) 
Which states gave Gary Johnson  his best results? Jill Stein? Evan 
McMullin? And who did those candidates help  more, Trump or Clinton?
_Jesse Walker_ (http://reason.com/people/jesse-walker/all) |Nov. 9, 2016 
11:55  am 
 
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Yesterday's presidential election produced the  strongest showing in 20 
years for third-party and independent candidates. Not  all the ballots have 
been tallied yet, so some of the numbers below may be  slightly off from the 
final totals. But at this point _all the alternative candidates put  together_ 
(http://uselectionatlas.org/RESULTS/national.php?year=2016&minper=0&f=0&off=
0&elect=0)  have received more than 5 percent of  the popular vote. The 
leader of the second-tier pack, Gary Johnson of the  Libertarian Party, has (at 
this point in the counting) 4,012,871 votes, or 3.23  percent of the 
national total. That's much less than he was polling a _couple months ago_ 
(http://reason.com/blog/2016/09/06/where-gary-johnson-and-jill-stein-are-st) , 
but 
it's far better than any other presidential  result in the party's 45-year 
history. It's also better than any other  alternative candidate since Ross 
Perot's campaigns of 1992 and '96. 
On the state level, we didn't get to see some of the  more extraordinary 
possibilities that had been tossed around before Tuesday.  (No, Evan McMullin 
did not _carry Utah_ 
(http://reason.com/blog/2016/10/17/utah-poll-shocker-trump-30-mcmullin-29-c) .) 
But the second-tier candidates did do stronger in  
some places than others, giving us a map—multiple maps—of where our binary 
party  system is doing the poorest job of representing the full spectrum of 
political  opinion. Here's how the third-, fourth-, and fifth-place 
finishers fared across  the country: 
Gary  Johnson. Not  surprisingly, Johnson did best in New Mexico, the state 
where he was governor  from 1995 to 2003: He got 9.3 percent of the vote 
there (and in some  counties _hit double digits_ 
(http://www.politico.com/2016-election/results/map/president/new-mexico/) ). He 
got 5 percent or more in 
seven other states as  well: North Dakota (6.3 percent), _traditionally 
third-party-friendly_ 
(http://reason.com/blog/2016/08/16/alaskas-love-affair-with-third-parties)  
Alaska  (5.9), Oklahoma (5.7), South Dakota (5.6), Montana 
(5.6), Wyoming (5.3), and  Maine (5.1). 
 
 





He got at least 1 percent of the vote everywhere. His  weakest showing was 
in Mississippi, where just 1.2 percent of the voters backed  him. That's 
still _more than double_ (http://uselectionatlas.org/RESULTS/state.php?year
=2012&fips=28&f=0&off=0&elect=0)  his  total there in 2012. 
Jill  Stein. As I write, Jill  Stein of the Green Party has 1,192,344 
votes, or about .96 percent of the  national total. That's the Greens' best 
showing since Ralph Nader's campaign in  2000. Stein's highest percentage on 
the 
state level came in Hawaii, where she  collected 2.9 percent of the ballots. 
She also managed to top 2 percent in  Oregon (2.4 percent), Vermont (2.3), 
and—more surprisingly—Kansas (2.0). She did  not outpoll Johnson in any 
state. 
Evan  McMullin. McMullin, a  conservative running as an independent, was on 
the ballot in only 11 states, so  it's not surprising that he finished 
behind Johnson and Stein. (His total  currently stands at 443,298 votes 
nationally, or .36 percent.) But he did very  well in one of those states: He 
was a 
strong third in his native Utah,  collecting 20.9 percent of the vote and 
finishing second in _several counties_ 
(http://www.politico.com/2016-election/results/map/president/utah/) . He also 
managed to get 6.9 percent in Idaho, 
the  only other state where he beat Johnson. He didn't get as much as 2 
percent  anywhere else, though he managed to clear the 1 percent mark in 
Minnesota (1.8  percent), Virginia (1.6), Arkansas (1.2), Kentucky (1.2), and 
South 
Carolina  (1.0). It is no coincidence that McMullin did best in the two 
states with the  country's highest Mormon populations. 
The only other candidate who managed to get more than  1 percent of the 
vote in any states was Darrell Castle of the paleoconservative  Constitution 
Party, who is currently pulling 1.3 percent in Alaska, 1.1 percent  in South 
Dakota, and, more surprisingly, 1 percent in Hawaii. In Nevada, where  voters 
have the option of voting for None of the Above, that option pulled 2.6  
percent. 
Did these candidates tip any states from Clinton to  Trump? I've already 
heard some ruminations to that effect from angry Democrats  ready to replay 
their scripts from 2000, but it's a hard case to make. Johnson  initially drew 
both disaffected Democrats and disaffected Republicans, but  toward the end 
of the race the _polls suggested_ 
(https://reason.com/blog/2016/11/05/if-hillary-clinton-wins-nevada-florida-n)  
that he  was pulling much more from 
the Trump camp. (Of course, I don't blame you if you  don't feel like trusting 
any polls right now.) And if these three candidates  weren't on any 
ballots, a significant share of their supporters would have  simply stayed home 
rather than vote for Clinton or Trump. 
Indeed, a lot of people stayed home anyway. Turnout in  general was way 
down this year, and Trump is currently on track to finish with a  lower raw 
vote total than either Mitt Romney or John McCain. Let me repeat that,  just to 
drive home how unpopular the major-party candidates were this year: The  
man who won this election got fewer votes than the men who lost the last two  
elections. Even though the  country's population has grown, and even though 
they both lost pretty badly.  [UPDATE,  11/10: This may have been  
premature, as it was based on a vote count that had been mislabeled as being 99 
 
percent complete. Trump is now closing in on McCain's total and could  
conceivably surpass Romney. Either way, the underlying point stands: Turnout  
fell 
substantially, and minor-party voters may well have preferred to stay home  
rather than choose a major-party nominee.] 
All that said, there were several states where the  alternative candidates 
collected enough votes to cover the Clinton/Trump spread.  Six of those were 
won by Trump—and seven were won by Clinton. Here's a  rundown: 
Arizona:  Trump beat Clinton by four points; Johnson and Stein between them 
collected 5  percent. But most of that went to Johnson (3.8 percent), so 
it's unclear whether  Trump or Clinton was hurt more by the other options on 
the ballot. 
Colorado:  Clinton won by 2.2 percent. Voters also gave 4.9 percent to 
Johnson, 1.2 percent  to Stein, 1 percent to McMullin, and nearly 1 percent 
more 
to a collection of  third-tier candidates. If Johnson was pulling more 
Republicans than Dems in  Colorado, he may have given this one to Clinton. 
Florida:  Trump eked out a win by just 1.4 percent here. Johnson, Stein, 
Castle, and Rocky  De La Fuente of the Reform Party between them collected 3.2 
percent. Enough to  cover the spread, but how many of those votes would 
have otherwise gone to  Clinton? Stein got only .7 percent. 
Maine:  Clinton won this by three percentage points, and Johnson collected 
5.1 percent,  so there's a chance he tipped the state to the Democrats. (Or 
part of the state,  anyway: Trump carried Maine's second congressional 
district, so he is being  awarded one of the state's electoral votes.) 
Michigan:  Trump won this ordinarily blue state by about .3 percent, and 
Stein got 1.1  percent, so Democrats who feel all Green votes are rightfully 
theirs are going  to be seething at her over this one. Meanwhile, Johnson got 
3.6  percent. 
Minnesota:  Clinton won by 1.4 percent. McMullin got 1.8 percent. How many 
of those voters  would have gone for Trump otherwise, and how many would 
have stayed home? Beats  me, but between that and the other minor-candidate 
results—Johnson got 3.4  percent and Stein got 1.3—this looks like a state 
where the alternatives may  have done more to help Clinton than to hurt her. 
Nevada:  Clinton won by 2.4 percent; Johnson got 3.3 percent. And Castle 
picked up half a  point too. 
New  Hampshire: Another narrow Clinton win—just a tenth of a percentage  
point—and another relatively strong showing for Johnson, who collected 4.1  
percent. 
New  Mexico: Clinton won this handily, by 8.3 percent. But Johnson,  
remember, got 9.3 percent. Then again, he has a history of picking up 
Democratic  
votes in New Mexico—he was reelected easily in his days as governor, despite 
the  predominantly Democratic electorate—so it'd be hard to make the case 
that he  played spoiler. 
Pennsylvania:  Trump won by about 1.1 percent. Stein's .8 percent isn't 
enough to cover that  spread; Johnson's 2.4 percent is, but again we don't know 
whether he was drawing  more from Trump or Clinton. 
Utah:  Trump beat Clinton here by about 17 percent. Sounds like a pretty 
big victory,  but it's still less than McMullin's 20.9 percent. In this case 
you could make  the case that _the real spoiler was Clinton_ 
(http://reason.com/blog/2016/10/31/where-hillary-clinton-is-the-spoiler-can) : 
If she 
weren't on the ballot, nearly all of her  supporters surely would have 
preferred 
McMullin to Trump, perhaps allowing the  independent to deny the Republican 
six electoral votes. 
Virginia:  Clinton won by 4.7 percent. Johnson, McMullin, and Stein got 3, 
1.6, and .7  percent, respectively. So the third-party candidates covered 
the spread if you  include the Green, but the two candidates who were more 
likely to pull from  Trump didn't have quite enough to cover it on their own. 
Wisconsin:  Here, on the other hand, Stein's 1.1 percent is just enough to 
bridge the  1-percent margin between the winning Trump and the losing 
Clinton. But then what  does Johnson's 3.4 percent do to the results—or, for 
that 
matter, the nearly  half a percentage point that Castle won while running to 
Trump's  right? 
Damned if I know. I will say this, though: If the  Democrats find 
themselves searching for scapegoats by parsing the Green and  Constitution 
parties' 
totals rather than asking how they managed to nominate a  candidate so weak 
that Wisconsin was in play, they really aren't asking the  right questions.

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