Annotations in yellow  -BR
 
 
Commentary
 
 
Bare, ruined  choirs
 
 
How  Barack Obama wrecked the Democratic Party 
 
_JOHN PODHORETZ AND NOAH C.  ROTHMAN_ 
(https://www.commentarymagazine.com/author/jpodhoretznrothman/)  / _NOV. 14,  
2016_ 
(https://www.commentarymagazine.com/articles/bare-ruined-choirs/) 


 
 
In 1723, Christopher Wren was buried in St. Paul’s, the  magnificent 
cathedral he had rebuilt following a devastating fire in  London. His epitaph 
concludes with the Latin  phraseSi  monumentum, requiris circumspece—“If you 
wish to see his monument, look around.” In 2017, Barack Obama  will leave the 
White House after eight years during which he  presided over the Democratic 
Party.  
 
If you wish to see his monument, look  around. 
 
Look to your right and you will see that his  designated successor lost her 
bid for the presidency to a man Obama himself had  not only campaigned 
against ferociously but declared unfit to hold the nuclear  codes. Look to your 
left and you will see the news stories detailing the  possible strategies 
for the repeal and the replacement of the president’s  signature piece of 
legislation, Obamacare. Then look up and down at the partisan  cathedral he 
helped to rebuild. Its benches are, as Shakespeare said of tree  branches in 
winter, “bare, ruined choirs, where late the sweet birds sang.”  While he was 
the one with the nuclear codes, the Democratic Party has been hit  with a 
neutron bomb. And on the bomb’s nose, written like the “Dear John”  message 
on the nuke in Dr. Strangelove, were the words: “Barack  Obama was here.” 
The Democratic Party cathedral stands, to be  sure, as structures will 
after a neutron-bomb attack. But it has been denuded of  its priestly caste—the 
elected officials who were teeming within it when Barack  Obama was first 
elected in 2008 and had every reason to believe they would move  inexorably 
from the back rows of American politics to the front. There are some 8,000 
elected officials in the  United States at the state and federal levels. 
Between 2009, when Barack Obama  took office, and today, as he prepares to 
retire 
from it, more than 1,100  Democratic elected officials lost their jobs to 
Republicans. That number is  unprecedented. 
Barack Obama entered the White House with his  party in control of 62 of 
the nation’s 99 legislative chambers. By January 2015,  Republicans were in 
control of 68. He then made it a personal mission to help  reverse the damage 
that had caused the ejection of nearly a thousand Democratic  state 
legislators from their seats by voters. He made 150 down-ballot  endorsements 
in 
2016 and even hit the trail for a few of them at a time  when his personal 
approval rating was above 50 percent. 
The  result of the president’s direct intercession? The Democrats did 
worse. On Election Night in 2016,  Republicans took full control of the 
legislatures  in Minnesota and Iowa. The Democratic Party’s sole remaining  
legislative majority in the South, in Kentucky, fell to the GOP for the  first 
time 
in nearly 100 years. In North Carolina, the GOP held onto  veto-proof 
majorities in state legislatures despite the statewide loss of an  unpopular 
Republican governor. The GOP prevented Democrats  from retaking the state 
Senate 
in New York. There were some gains in  Nevada and New Mexico…and that was it. 
The massacre  of Democratic officials goes far beyond state legislatures. 
Democrats held 31  governorships in 2009. Now they hold 17, having been 
kicked out of the mansions  in Missouri, Vermont, and New Hampshire. Following 
this year’s election,  Republicans have control of all levers of government in 
25 states. 
In  Washington, after months of speculation that Democrats might eat away 
at the  Republican majority in the House of Representatives or topple it, the 
GOP lost  only nine seats and retained a 40-member advantage. And though 
the general  expectation was that the Democrats were likely to take back 
control of the U.S.  Senate, Republicans ended up losing only two incumbents 
and 
retained their  majority at 52. Even more worrisome for Democrats, they head 
into the  2018 election with aging senators having to defend their seats in 
10 states  Donald Trump won. 
The collapse of the Democratic Party under  Barack Obama occurred in three 
stages, each corresponding to a national response  to Obama’s policy and 
political overreach. 
In Stage One, the Democrats were decimated in  the House of Representatives 
(and the carnage at the state level began). From  Inauguration Day in 2009 
until July 2010, the Obama White House oversaw the  passage of 1) the 
stimulus package, the most expensive piece of legislation in  American history; 
2) 
the second half of the TARP-TALF financial-bailout bill; 3)  the Dodd-Frank 
financial regulatory reforms; and 4) the Affordable Care Act,  otherwise 
known as Obamacare. Not since 1933 had there been a more aggressive  
legislative and regulatory agenda, and Obama’s determined march not only  
featured 
$2.7 trillion in new spending but the wholesale revision of the  nation’s 
health-care system. 
It was too much, too fast, too soon, and there  was a national uprising 
against it that came to be known as the “Tea Party.”  What resulted was a 
midterm in 2010 that cost the Democrats 63 House seats, the  largest such 
defeat 
in 72 years. Democrats had built a massive majority over two  successive 
elections in 2006 and 2008 and saw it wiped out in one go. Consider this fact: 
In the 2006 midterms,  when an anti-GOP wave began, Democratic candidates 
for the House received a  national total of 42.3 million votes. In the next 
midterm election, 2010, they  received 38.9 million votes, a decline of 9 
percent. In 2014, they were down to  35.6 million votes, a 10 percent decline 
from the 2010 midterms. In all,  Democrats have gained a total of two seats 
back from their 2010 low. That means  they have suffered a net loss of 61  
Democratic elected officials from the House of Representatives in the Obama  
era. 
Stage Two was the decimation of the Democratic Senate majority.  In 2014, 
Democrats watched incumbent after incumbent swept away in a Republican  wave 
eerily similar to the House wave four years earlier. In 2010, Democrats had  
held on to control of the Senate with candidates who received 29 million 
votes  in aggregate even as the House was going Republican. In 2014, Democrats 
received  8.2 million fewer votes—a decline of 23  percent from  2010. 
In all, nine Democratic senators were axed in  2014, the largest swing 
since the Ronald Reagan election in 1980. What had  happened to cause it? A 
year 
earlier, in October 2013, Obamacare had been rolled  out—and computer 
systems and software costing $1 billion crashed and crashed  hard. ISIS 
flowered 
malignantly in Syria and Iraq and began beheading Americans.  There was a 
border crisis as thousands of children from Mexico and Central  America made 
their way into the United States and were put up in makeshift  housing. 
Republicans won by nationalizing their Senate races, as Philip Rucker  and 
Robert 
Costa of the Washington Postnoted at the time: “Make it all about  Obama, 
Obama, Obama. Every new White House crisis would bring a new Republican  ad. 
And every Democratic incumbent would be attacked relentlessly for voting  
with the president 97 or 98 or 99 percent of the time.” 
Stage Three only began on Election Night, and  its contours are yet to be 
determined: the decimation of the Obama legacy  itself. 
One might say that it began, oddly enough, with Obama’s 2012  victory. He 
got his second term, yes, but for the first time in presidential  history, 
received fewer votes in getting reelected than he had in his first run.  69.5 
million Americans had cast a ballot for Obama in 2008, and in 2012 that  
number dropped to 65.8 million. Those voters didn’t go to the Republican, Mitt  
Romney, who gained only a million more than John McCain had in 2008. They 
just  disappeared. And in 2016, another  3 to 4 million vanished as Hillary 
Clinton received somewhere between 61  and 62 million votes. So, over the  
course of the Obama era, as many as 8 million people stopped voting for the  
Democrat at the top of the ticket. That’s a drop of 11 percent. That’s a  
landslide number in reverse. 
The story of 2016 is, in part, the missing  white vote that got Donald 
Trump elected. Where is that white vote? A  considerable part of it is in areas 
of the country where the Obama  administration literally targeted heavy 
industries both venerable and  brand-new—coal and fracking. Obama has spent his 
presidency favoring the  environmentalist cause, which is popular with what 
the pollster Stanley  Greenberg and the consultant James Carville called “
the new progressive common  ground,” over the continuing employment of the 
white working class in  good-paying jobs. Obama and Clinton—who told an 
audience earlier this year with  some pride that “we are going to put a lot of 
coal 
miners and coal companies out  of business”—were choosing not to expand 
the Democratic electoral coalition by  bringing people with different 
interests together but to contract it  ideologically. He and Clinton could do 
this, 
they believed, because a new and  massive electoral coalition was taking the 
place of the old—one made up, in  Greenberg’s words, of “young people, 
Hispanics, unmarried women, and affluent  suburbanites.” 
This is  an example of the way in which Barack Obama sought to provide the 
left with a  sense of cultural and moral superiority. He and they were 
working to be saviors  of the planet, just as they were working to push America 
forward into a new  ethical framework in which traditional morality was an 
evil to be overcome and  new modes of being were not only to be embraced but 
to be forced upon resistant  small-town birthday-cake bakers. Those who 
bought into it achieved a kind  of blind triumphalism. They pooh-poohed any 
warning signs that the transition to  Obama’s brave new world was creating new 
social fissures. Their unending  political dominance was now a matter of 
demographic inevitability, as  celestially mechanical as the monthly lunar 
cycle. 
Nothing could shake this  conviction, even as they suffered through Stage 
One and were rocked by Stage  Two. That “progressive common ground” just wasn
’t common enough, it turns out.  Its numbers weren’t quite large enough 
yet. 
As it turned out, Barack Obama was a  political genius with one 
unparalleled skill—getting Barack Obama elected and  reelected president.
And even more important, it just wasn’t as motivated  by a commitment to 
the progressive agenda as Obama and Clinton thought. The new  “coalition of 
the ascendant” Obama assembled in 2008 didn’t really care all that  much 
about electing the first woman president. It didn’t care much about  preserving 
Obama-era reforms, like his signature health-care act. It didn’t care  much 
about standing athwart what the left insisted was a drumbeat of bigotry  
disseminated by Donald Trump. Its members did not swamp the polls to ensure 
that  a global-warming skeptic was denied the presidency. The terrible truth is 
that  the Obama 2008 electorate turned out to be relatively indifferent to 
progressive  issues when push came to shove. Note that Greenberg and 
Carville did not include  African Americans in the “new progressive common 
ground” 
even though they were  the most important part of the Obama coalition 
because of the staggering  unanimity of the black vote in his favor. And that 
is 
key, because it turns out  what had truly mattered to the “coalition of the 
ascendant” was Barack Hussein  Obama himself, and how he had made them feel 
about themselves back in 2008. It  was summoned into existence by theidea of 
a President Obama, not by what he  would do.  
The reality of President Obama was another  story. Enough of the potent 
Obama combination of celebrity and Rorschach test  remained in 2012 to let 
President Obama stay president another four years. But  the coalition of the 
ascendant had dissipated long before Hillary Clinton sought  at least to 
approximate it. A lackluster candidate promising the status quo with  ethical 
problems from here to Mars wasn’t going to reconstitute it. 
As it dissipated, the farm system of elected  officials shrank over the 
course of the Obama era to a single minor-league team  of coastal and urban 
politicians. The result is a Democratic Party even more  doctrinaire in its 
cultural, social, and political attitudes. Gone is the  pro-life Democrat, the 
gun-rights Democrat, the Democratic hawk, the Democrat  who supported the 
traditional definition of marriage, the Democrat concerned  with religious 
liberty at home—and good riddance to them, in the eyes of those  who remain. 
Joe Manchin, the very popular West Virginia Democratic governor who  got 
himself elected to the Senate in 2010 in part due to a television  commercial 
that showed him firing a bullet through the cap-and-trade bill, is  reportedly 
considering a party switch before he runs again for the Senate. In  2012, 
the Republican got 65 percent of the vote in Manchin’s state. This year,  
Donald Trump won West Virginia with 69 percent. What would you do if you  were 
Manchin? 
Meanwhile, those remaining Democratic elected officials  inclined toward 
(Bill) Clintonian compromise and triangulation—like the  superdelegates who 
shoved Hillary Clinton down the throats of a party whose  heart was with 
Bernie Sanders—now find themselves in danger of being completely  discredited 
within their own party. Their representative figure is Debbie  Wasserman 
Schultz, the Florida congresswoman and Democratic National Committee  chairman 
who 
was forced from her leadership position when leaked documents  proved she 
had been running the DNC illicitly as an arm of the Clinton  campaign. 
At this writing, the leading candidate to take  her slot is a Minnesota 
congressman named Keith Ellison. Ellison once compared  9/11 to the Reichstag 
fire before adding, “The fact is that I’m not  saying September 11 was a 
U.S. plan or anything like that because, you  know, that’s how they put you in 
the nutball box.” New York’s Charles Schumer,  the incoming leader of the 
Democratic minority in the Senate, has declared his  support for Ellison’s 
candidacy. Schumer likes to tell Jewish audiences his name  (shomer in Hebrew) 
means he believes his most  important role is to serve as a “guardian of 
the gates of Jerusalem.” Ellison  comes out of the Nation of Islam and is at 
the very least a supporter of a  unilateral declaration of Palestinian 
statehood by the United Nations. Schumer  is part of the old guard, Ellison is 
a 
tribune of the new. If there’s one thing  Schumer knows, it’s which side of 
the slice of challah to butter, and the gates  of Jerusalem can go hang. 
The Obama years weren’t only a disappointment  to those of us who did not 
drink the Kool Aid in the first place; they proved to  be a disappointment to 
the very people Obama had celebrated by declaring that  “we are the change 
we have been waiting for.” And they have been a calamity for  Democrats 
everywhere but in the urban and coastal strongholds, Democrats who had  thought 
they were going to make a career out of elected public service. It is  from 
their ranks that their party is supposed to find its next stars, men and  
women would use their time in state legislatures to learn the craft of 
politics  and the art of legislating before rising to the governor’s mansion or 
the 
House  or Senate, and thence, perhaps, to national office. That is how 
Obama emerged in  the early years of this new century. 
As it turned out, Barack Obama was a political  genius with one 
unparalleled skill—getting Barack Obama elected and reelected  president. For 
everyone 
else in his party, and for his party itself, he has been  an unmitigated 
disaster. And now, his decimation of his own electorate has  helped to ensure 
the election of Donald Trump. Out of office in 2017, Barack  Obama may have 
to stand by, impotent, as the legislative and policy advances  that were 
supposed to be his enduring legacy vanish like the thousand elected  
politicians 
unfortunate enough to have been serving in office when Barack Obama  came 
along and hollowed out the Democratic Party. 
Christopher Wren has been dead nearly 300  years, but St. Paul’s Cathedral 
still stands. Four years after the end of the  Obama presidency, there may 
be no monument of Barack Obama’s left standing for  anyone to look at.

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