Donald Trump's first five choices for  Cabinet or White House posts
were, if not inspired, politically smart.  The one questionable selection,
Steve Bannon of Brietbart fame, is  understandable even if as a 
scion of the "alt Right" his values are  questionable, viz, in what way
is Satan a good example of anything at all  except pure evil and insanity?
Still, Bannon has political acumen, his  excesses seem to be limited in 
scope
and maybe, just maybe, his strengths  outweigh his liabilities.
 
Now we come to Nikki Haley as Trump's  choice for UN Ambassador.
This is only one dubious choice but it  conceivably is indicative of
Trump's weaknesses.
 
This is not to say that Nikki Haley isn't a  good person who, in fact,
deserves a position in Federal Government.  But how politically astute
is removal of a sitting governor from that  kind of important office?
Still, maybe it is true enough that Haley  no longer can count on enough
support in South Carolina to be effective,  perhaps her days
are numbered as a political leader in her  state.
 
But exactly what foreign policy expertise  does she have? Any?
And do we really need a "kinder, gentler"  face of America to
advocate American interests in the  United Nations?  The argument
can be made that we most need the exact  opposite, someone who
exudes strength and resolve, a fighting  spirit, who is willing to go to war
against various UN cabals, who is willing  to challenge foreign interests
who seek to undermine American interests in  the world, indeed,
to demand major reforms in the  UN.
 
It is easy enough to think of more  appropriate posts for Nikki Haley's 
talents.
She obviously would be an asset to any  government, but Ambassador to
the United Nations?
 
To repeat, this is only one questionable  choice, but it may be telling.
 
 
Billy R.
 
-------------------------------------------------------------
 
 
 
 
 
 
Politico
 
 
Inside Trump’s freewheeling vetting operation
The transition team's approach is in marked contrast to that of  past 
presidential transitions. 
By _NANCY COOK_ (http://www.politico.com/staff/nancy-cook)  and _ANDREW 
RESTUCCIA_ (http://www.politico.com/staff/andrew-restuccia)    
11/23/16
 
 
 
 
Donald Trump’s process for picking top  political appointees is “pretty 
simple,” says Rep. _Devin Nunes_ (https://cd.politicopro.com/member/51133) , a 
senior member of the president-elect’s transition  team. 
When Trump’s aides were scouting for names for  a CIA chief, Nunes 
suggested his colleague, Kansas Republican Rep._Mike Pompeo_ 
(https://cd.politicopro.com/member/158348) . Those aides got back to Nunes 
after the election  and 
asked if he still thought Pompeo was the right guy.Roughly five days later — 
 following an interview in Trump Tower — the president-elect nominated 
Pompeo to  the powerful post.
 
 
 
Nunes added that he isn’t aware of any lengthy  questionnaire that Pompeo 
filled out, as is standard with major  nominees. 
“They asked me who would be the person for the  agency, and I said without 
a doubt that Pompeo would be a great pick,” Nunes,  chairman of the House 
Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence, told  POLITICO. 
That’s the way that much of the selection and  vetting for top political 
appointments is unfolding in Trump Tower, the de-facto  nerve center of the 
incoming administration. There, the president-elect meets  with friends, 
politicians, statesmen, donors and lawyers to map out his future  Cabinet and 
agenda. Final decisions on appointees are made with his tiny cadre  of top 
advisers, including incoming chief of staff Reince Priebus, senior  adviser 
Steve Bannon, son-in-law Jared Kushner and Vice President-elect Mike  Pence. 
Trump’s freewheeling approach is in marked  contrast with that of past 
presidential transition teams, who have subjected  nominees to weeks — and 
sometimes months — of vetting that includes deep dives  into their finances, 
taxes, previous employment and personal  relationships.
 
 
 
 
Barack Obama’s transition operation began  contacting potential nominees 
months before he won the presidency — in the  summer of 2008. After the 
election, the team tapped dozens of lawyers — many  working on a volunteer 
basis —
 to help vet nominees and process their paperwork,  according to former 
members of the team. 
 
 

 (http://inread-experience.teads.tv/) 


"Any delay in getting the technical vetting  completed could create risk to 
the nominees,” said Robert Rizzi, a partner at  the firm Steptoe & Johnson 
who has represented Republican and Democratic  nominees. “The nomination 
packages take some time to prepare and to run through  the appropriate ethics 
review, and that review is for their protection, since  the ethics rules 
involve criminal statutes.” 
New Jersey Gov. Chris Christie, the former  head of the Trump transition, 
had one of his teams develop lists of potential  nominees and conduct initial 
vetting that included reviews of candidates' public  statements. 
But since Christie's demotion — and Trump's  decision to play a more 
central role — it's unclear if that team's work has kept  pace with the growing 
number of nominees meeting with the president-elect in  Trump Tower. And the 
locus of power now resides with Trump in New York, not with  the D.C.-based 
transition operation. 
“I think the Trump transition is still  pretty fluid. They’re adding 
layers onto the vetting as it goes on,” said one  Republican close to the 
transition, adding the team is “behind” in building a  team of lawyers charged 
with vetting nominees and walking them through the  complicated confirmation 
process. 
The Trump campaign did not respond to  requests for comment, including 
written questions about the vetting  process. 
Few of D.C.’s top political lawyers,  typically hired to shepherd 
appointees through the process, have seen a copy of  the Trump transition 
team’s 
vetting questionnaire, an internal document that  past transition teams have 
used to uncover potentially embarrassing details of  nominees’ past. Obama’s 
vetting document included 63 detailed questions about  financial interests, 
past writings, professional experience and even social  media posts. 
“Campaigns and transition organizations in  the past have gotten down to 
the business of governing more quickly,” says Caleb  Burns, a partner at the 
Republican leaning firm, Wiley Rein, who was not  involved in the Trump 
campaign or transition. “It does not mean they cannot make  up for lost time, 
now 
that they are singularly focused on it.” 
The Trump transition team’s vetting  process is being led by election 
lawyer Donald McGahn, who served as Trump’s  campaign lawyer and who is first 
pick for _White House  counsel_ 
(http://www.politico.com/story/2016/11/trump-transition-counsel-mcgahn-231725) 
, with the help of  lawyers at O’Melveny & 
Myers, people close to the transition told  POLITICO. 
Christine Ciccone, who helped President  George W. Bush get his Cabinet 
confirmed, is also assisting with vetting, one  person said. Neither McGahn nor 
Ciccone responded to requests for  comment.
 
 
Nominees face a daunting pile of  paperwork that has been known to trip up 
even seasoned government officials.  They must complete a 127-page 
government questionnaire, known as _form 86_ 
(http://www.gsa.gov/portal/forms/download/116390) , and pass an FBI background 
check. They are required  to fill out 
a detailed financial disclosure form that is reviewed by the Office  of 
Government Ethics, which works with transition teams to review nominees’  
financial disclosure forms. And they have to answer written questions from the  
Senate committee overseeing their nomination 
Past transitions teams have tried to uncover  potential nomination-killers 
long before nominations were announced. But Trump’s  transition team is 
relying heavily on the federal government to do much of its  vetting, including 
the FBI and the Office of Government Ethics. 
“OGE was like an appellate court [during  Obama’s transition]. It sounds 
like now they’re more like a trial court,” said a  lawyer closely tracking 
the transition, suggesting the office is now the first  line of defense. “I 
think it’s been a big burden on  OGE.”
 
 
Trump’s allies take comfort from the  Republicans’ Senate majority, 
anticipating the GOP will green-light his nominees  without much resistance. 
_Jeff 
Sessions_ (https://cd.politicopro.com/member/51232) , who has served in the 
Senate since 1997, is likely  to sail through the chamber. 
But Democrat and Republican veterans of the  notoriously thorny Senate 
confirmation process warn that surprises can  occur. 
Perhaps no nominee offers a better cautionary  tale about that than Bernard 
Kerik, who served as New York City police  commissioner under Mayor Rudy 
Giuliani. Soon after being tapped to lead Homeland  Security by President 
George W. Bush in 2004, Kerik withdrew his nomination when  he discovered that 
a 
former nanny was an undocumented immigrant. Investigations  into Kerik’s 
past uncovered more damning information and he was sentenced to  four years in 
jail in 2010 after being found guilty of tax fraud and making  false 
statements to the government. 
Still, some Republican lawyers and operatives  have argued that Trump’s 
transition team does not need to heavily vet its picks  so far, given their 
current high-profile jobs. 
“Priebus has been in the public eye ever since  he became chairman of the 
RNC,” said one Republican lawyer about Trump’s  selection of Republican 
National Committee Chairman Reince Priebus as chief of  staff. “I don’t think 
there is much to him that’s not already known.” 
A former Pence staffer who knows Pompeo  defended the swift nature of that 
nomination as well, saying Pompeo was already  vetted. “[Pompeo] would have 
already had top secret clearance for the intel  committees so that is part 
of the reason they were able to make that pick  quickly,” said David 
Kensinger, a Kansas-based lobbyist who worked on Pence’s  2012 campaign. 
 (http://www.politico.com/story/2016/11/spicer-trump-hate-groups-231780) 
 

Trump’s team also knew Pompeo, a West Point  grad and vocal critic of 
Hillary Clinton’s, since he had helped Pence prep for  his debate and even 
attended the debate itself. 
But even the nominations of well-known public  figures can collapse under 
scrutiny. In 1989, the Senate rejected President  George H. W. Bush’s nominee 
for defense secretary, John Tower, amid allegations  of heavy drinking and 
inappropriate conduct toward women. Tower served as a  senator for more than 
20 years before his nomination. 
“You would think that these people have been in  public life and under 
scrutiny for so long that there wouldn’t be anything to  find,” said a person 
who served on George W. Bush’s transition team. “But  sometimes there are 
surprises.” 
It’s unclear whether the Trump transition has  signed a memorandum of 
understanding with the FBI that would allow the agency to  begin conducting 
background checks on its nominees. A spokesman for the FBI  declined comment. 
People who have already served in the  government can move through the FBI 
check quickly, with one person tracking the  issue saying there is precedent 
for completing the process in less than a week.  But it can also stretch on 
for months, especially for people who have not  previously been approved 
for a government security clearance like Steve Bannon,  Trump’s incoming White 
House chief strategist. 
“If you don’t get the names in now, there won’t  be any names to put 
forward by January,” said one Republican veteran of the  presidential 
transition 
process.

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