Not quite the same as what we call the Radical Center, but close. 


Revenge of the Radical Middle
http://www.nationalreview.com/article/421589/revenge-radical-middle-matthew-continetti
(via Instapaper)

Two decades ago, in the spring of 1996, Newsweek magazine described a group of 
voters it called the “radical middle.” Formerly known as the Silent Majority, 
then the Reagan Democrats, these voters had supported Ross Perot in 1992, and 
were hoping the Texas billionaire would run again. Voters in the radical 
middle, Newsweek wrote, “see the traditional political system itself as the 
country’s chief problem.”

The radical middle is attracted to populists, outsiders, businessmen such as 
Perot and Lee Iacocca who have never held office, and to anyone, according to 
Newsweek, who is the “tribune of anti-insider discontent.” Newt Gingrich 
rallied the radical middle in 1994 — year of the Angry White Male — but his 
Republican Revolution sputtered to a halt after the government shut down over 
Medicare in 1995. Once more the radical middle had become estranged from the 
GOP. “If Perot gets in the race,” a Dole aide told Newsweek, “it will guarantee 
Clinton’s reelection.”

Well, here we are again, at the beginning of a presidential campaign in which 
the Republican Party, having lost its hold on the radical middle, is terrified 
of the electoral consequences. The supporters of Reagan and Perot, of Gingrich 
and Pat Buchanan, have found another aging billionaire in whom to place their 
fears and anxieties, their nostalgia and love of country, their disgust with 
the political and cultural elite, their trepidation at what our nation is 
becoming.

A brash showboat and celebrity, self-promoter and controversialist, silly and 
mocking, a caricature of a caricature, Donald Trump is no one’s idea of a 
serious presidential candidate. Which is exactly why the radical middle finds 
him refreshing. Not an iota of him is politically correct, he plays by no rules 
of comity or civility, he genuflects to no party or institution, he is unafraid 
of and antagonistic toward the media, and he challenges the conventional wisdom 
of both parties, which holds that there is no real cost to illegal immigration 
and to trade with China.

RELATED: What’s Behind the Trump Bump

Trump’s foreign policy, such as it is, is like Perot’s, directed not toward 
Eurasia but our southern border. Unlike Perot, whose campaign emphasized the 
twin deficits of budget and trade, Trump has taken on illegal immigration from 
Mexico, fighting with both the identity politics left and the cheap labor 
right, with both Hillary Clinton and Jeb Bush. Like Perot too he has seized the 
public imagination, masterfully exploiting the media’s craving for ratings and 
for negative portrayals of Republicans, turning CNN into TNN, the Trump News 
Network, the finest and most exclusive cable channel on air.

Trump would enjoy press coverage no matter what he ran on. But the fact that he 
has chosen, perhaps unwittingly, illegal immigration to be his cause makes the 
coverage all the more polarizing, visceral, contentious, spiteful. He dared say 
what no one of his wealth and prominence ever says — that illegal immigration 
is not limited to DREAMERs and laborers and aspirational Americans, that it is 
not always, as Jeb Bush put it, an “act of love,” that also traversing our 
southern border are criminals, rapists, and narcotics traffickers and human 
smugglers, displaced souls from illiberal cultures who carry with them not only 
dreams but nightmares, bad habits, and other costly baggage. That his poor 
phrasing was sickeningly confirmed in early July, when an illegal immigrant who 
had been deported several times shot Kathryn Steinle dead in broad daylight on 
a San Francisco pier, only strengthened Trump’s connection to the radical 
middle. So did the drug lord El Chapo’s escape from prison soon after Mexico 
received an extradition request from the United States.

It is immigration — its universally celebrated benefits and its barely 
acknowledged costs — that is the third rail of U.S. politics, with 
repercussions from the border to Eric Cantor’s district in 2014 to courtrooms 
and the Republican debate stage today. Trump didn’t step on the third rail; he 
embraced it, he won’t let go of it, and in so doing he’s become electric. 
Republicans, Democrats, journalists, corporations all want to define themselves 
against him, and their flaunting of their moral superiority only feeds the 
media monster, only makes Trump more attractive to the dispossessed, alienated, 
radical middle.

What Republicans are trying to figure out is not so much how to handle Trump as 
how to handle his supporters. Ignore or confront? Mock or treat seriously? 
Insult or persuade? The men and women in the uppermost ranks of the party, who 
have stood by Trump in the past as he gave them his endorsements and cash, are 
inclined to condescend to a large portion of the Republican base, to treat base 
voters’ concerns as unserious, nativist, racist, sexist, anachronistic, or 
nuts, to apologize for the “crazies” who fail to understand why America can 
build small cities in Iraq and Afghanistan but not a wall along the southern 
border, who do not have the education or skills or means to cope when factories 
move south or abroad, who stare uncomprehendingly at the television screen when 
the media fail to see a “motive” for the Chattanooga shooting, who voted for 
Perot in ’92 and Buchanan in ’96 and Sarah Palin in ’08 and joined the Tea 
Party to fight death panels in ’09.

These voters don’t give a whit about corporate tax reform or TPP or the capital 
gains rate or the fate of Uber, they make a distinction between deserved 
benefits like Social Security and Medicare and undeserved ones like welfare and 
food stamps, their patriotism is real and nationalistic and skeptical of 
foreign entanglement, they wept on 9/11, they want America to be strong, 
dominant, confident, the America of their youth, their young adulthood, the 
America of 40 or 30 or even 20 years ago. They do not speak in the cadences or 
dialect of New York or Washington, their thoughts can be garbled, easily 
dismissed, or impugned, they are not members of a designated victim group and 
thus lack moral standing in the eyes of the media, but still they deserve as 
much attention and sympathy as any of our fellow citizens, still they vote.

What the radical middle has seen in recent years has not given them reason to 
be confident in our government, our political system, our legion of politicians 
clambering up the professional ladder office to office. Two inconclusive wars, 
a financial crisis, recession, and weak recovery, government failure from 
Katrina to the TSA to the launch of Obamacare to the federal background check 
system, an unelected and unaccountable managerial bureaucracy that targets 
grassroots organizations and makes law through diktat, race riots and Ebola and 
judicial overreach. And through it all, as constant as the northern star, a 
myopic drive on the part of leaders in both parties to enact a “comprehensive 
immigration reform” that would incentivize illegal immigration and increase 
legal immigration despite public opposition.

The Republican Party has had two historic midterm victories, only to see its 
gains at the ballot box overruled by presidential veto or decree, by 
infighting, by incompetence. When the salient GOP accomplishment of 2015 will 
be granting President Obama Trade Promotion Authority, when the leading 
Republican candidates for president are telling donors they will push for 
comprehensive immigration reform when in office, when those candidates seem 
more interested in following the lead of the press than caucus goers, when they 
so often fail to respond directly and forcefully to provocations domestic and 
foreign, when it is sometimes hard to determine what they believe in beyond 
their own ambition, how is it surprising that a not insignificant portion of 
the grassroots, along with some people who normally do not pay attention to 
politics, are supportive of or intrigued by the outspoken and entertaining 
Donald Trump?

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Trump's Immigration Two-Step

That Trump is not a conservative, nor by any means a mainstream Republican, is 
not a minus but a plus to the radical middle. These voters are culturally right 
but economically left; they depend on the New Deal and parts of the Great 
Society, are estranged from the fiscal and monetary agendas of The Economist 
and Wall Street Journal. What they lack in free market bona fides they make up 
for in their romantic fantasy of the patriotic tycoon or general, the fixer, 
the Can-Do Man who will cut the baloney and Get Things Done. On social 
questions their views tend toward the moderate side — Perot was no social 
conservative, either. What unites them is opposition to elites in government, 
finance, culture, journalism; their search for a vehicle — whether it’s a 
political party or an outspoken publicity maven — that will displace the 
managers and technocrats and restore the America of old.
Our political commentary is confused because it conceives of the Republican 
Party as a top-down entity. It’s not. There are two Republican parties, an 
elite party of the corporate upper crust and meritocratic winners that sits 
atop a mass party of whites without college degrees whose world-views and 
experiences and ambitions could not be more different from their social and 
economic betters. The former party enjoys the votes of the latter one, but 
those votes are not guaranteed. What so worries the GOP about Donald Trump is 
that he, like Ross Perot, has the resources and ego to rend the two parties 
apart. If history repeats itself, it will be because the Republican elite was 
so preoccupied with its own economic and ideological commitments that it failed 
to pay attention the needs and desires of millions of its voters. So the 
demagogue rises. The party splits. And the Clintons win.

— Matthew Continetti is the editor-in-chief of the Washington Free Beacon, 
where this column first appeared. © 2015 All rights reserved.



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