I think it would be a great topic.  If not the next podcast, it should 
definitely be on the list.

Chris 

 

From: [email protected] 
[mailto:[email protected]] On Behalf Of Centroids
Sent: Thursday, December 29, 2016 2:03 PM
To: [email protected]
Subject: Re: [RC] George Will: Making America 1953 again

 

Great point. 

 

Shall we tackle "healthy protectionism" in our next podcast?

 

E

Sent from my iPhone


On Dec 29, 2016, at 08:28, Chris Hahn <[email protected] <mailto:[email protected]> 
> wrote:

This is an important lesson in economic history, by George Will.  Trump’s 
campaign rhetoric makes it seem as if he is unaware of the dangers of 
protectionism, or that he doesn’t care.  I hope he gets the message from 
somebody.

Chris 

 

 

 

December 28. 2016 10:39PM




George Will: Making America 1953 again

By GEORGE WILL

 
<http://www.unionleader.com/storyimage/UL/20161229/OPINION02/161229284/AR/0/AR-161229284.jpg?q=100>
 <image001.jpg>

 


It is axiomatic that if someone is sufficiently eager to disbelieve something, 
there is no Everest of evidence too large to be ignored. This explains today’s 
revival of protectionism, which is a plan to make America great again by making 
it 1953 again.

This was when manufacturing’s postwar share of the labor force peaked at about 
30 percent. The decline that began then was not caused by manufactured imports 
from today’s designated villain, China, which was a peasant society. Rather, 
the war-devastated economies of competitor nations were reviving. And, 
domestically, the age of highly technological manufacturing was dawning.

Since 1900, the portion of the American workforce in agriculture has declined 
from 40 percent to 2 percent. Output per remaining farmer and per acre has 
soared since millions of agricultural workers made the modernization trek from 
farms to more productive employment in city factories. Was this trek 
regrettable?

According to a Ball State University study, of the 5.6 million manufacturing 
jobs lost between 2000 and 2010, trade accounted for 13 percent of job losses 
and productivity improvements accounted for more than 85 percent: “Had we kept 
2000-levels of productivity and applied them to 2010-levels of production, we 
would have required 20.9 million manufacturing workers (in 2010). Instead, we 
employed only 12.1 million.” Is this regrettable? China, too, is shedding 
manufacturing jobs because of productivity improvements.

Douglas A. Irwin of Dartmouth College notes that Chinese imports may have cost 
almost one million manufacturing jobs in nearly a decade, but “the normal churn 
of U.S. labor markets results in roughly 1.7 million layoffs every month.” He 
notes that there are more than 45 million Americans in poverty, “stretching 
every dollar they have.” The apparel industry employs 135,000 Americans. Can 
one really justify tariffs that increase the price of clothing for the 45 
million in order to save some of the 135,000 low-wage jobs? Anyway, if tariffs 
target apparel imports from China, imports will surge from other low-wage 
developing nations.

The Wall Street Journal’s Greg Ip, who reports that there currently are 334,000 
vacant manufacturing jobs, says that when Jimmy Carter tried to protect U.S. 
manufacturers by restricting imports of Japanese televisions, imports from 
South Korea and Taiwan increased. When those were restricted, Mexican and 
Singapore manufacturers benefited.

In his book “An Extraordinary Time: The End of the Postwar Boom and the Return 
of the Ordinary Economy,” Marc Levinson recalls the 1970 agonies about Japanese 
bolts, nuts and screws. Under the 1974 Trade Act, companies or unions claiming 
“serious injury” — undefined by the law — from imports could demand tariffs to 
price the imports out of the market. Of the hundreds of U.S. bolt, nut and 
screw factories, some were, Levinson writes, “highly automated, others so old 
that gloved workers held individual bolts with tongs to heat them in a forge.” 
A three-year 15 percent tariff enabled domestic producers to raise their 
prices, thereby raising the costs of many American manufacturers. By one 
estimate, each U.S. job “saved” cost $550,000 as the average bolt-nut-screw 
worker was earning $23,000 annually. And by the mid-1980s, inflation-adjusted 
sales of domestic makers were 15 percent below the 1979 level.

Levinson notes that Ronald Reagan imposed “voluntary restraints” on Japanese 
automobile exports, thereby creating 44,100 U.S. jobs. But the cost to 
consumers was $8.5 billion in higher prices, or $193,000 per job created, six 
times the average annual pay of a U.S. autoworker. And there were job losses in 
sectors of the economy into which the $8.5 billion of consumer spending could 
not flow. The Japanese responded by sending higher-end cars, from which they 
made higher profits, which they used to build North American assembly plants 
and to develop more expensive and profitable cars to compete with those of U.S. 
manufacturers.

In 2012, Barack Obama boasted that “over a thousand Americans are working today 
because we stopped a surge in Chinese tires.” But this cost about $900,000 per 
job, paid by American purchasers of vehicles and tires. And the Peterson 
Institute for International Economics says that this money taken from consumers 
reduced their spending on other retail goods, bringing the net job loss from 
the job-saving tire tariffs to around 2,500. And this was before China imposed 
retaliatory duties on U.S. chicken parts, costing the U.S. industry $1 billion 
in sales. Imports of low-end tires from Thailand, Indonesia, Mexico and 
elsewhere largely replaced Chinese imports.

The past is prologue. The future probably will feature many more such 
self-defeating government interventions in the name of compassion as 
protectionist America tries to cower its way to being great again.


George Will’s email address is [email protected] 
<mailto:[email protected]> .

 

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