New York Times
 
 
‘Antifa’ Grows as Left-Wing  Faction Set to, Literally, Fight the Far Right

 
By _THOMAS  FULLER_ (https://www.nytimes.com/by/thomas-fuller) , _ALAN 
FEUER_ (https://www.nytimes.com/by/alan-feuer)  and _SERGE F.  KOVALESKI_ 
(https://www.nytimes.com/by/serge-f-kovaleski) AUG. 17, 2017 
 
_Continue  reading the main story_ 
(https://www.nytimes.com/2017/08/17/us/antifa-left-wing-faction-far-right.html?ref=todayspaper#story-continues-1)
 
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OAKLAND, Calif. — Last weekend, when a 27-year-old bike  messenger showed 
up at the “Unite the Right” rally in Charlottesville, Va., he  came ready 
for battle. He joined a human chain that stretched in front of  Emancipation 
Park and linked his arms with others, blocking waves of white  supremacists — 
some of them in full Nazi regalia — from entering. 
“As soon as they got close,” said the young man, who  declined to give his 
real name and goes by Frank Sabaté after the famous Spanish  anarchist, “
they started swinging clubs, fists, shields. I’m not embarrassed to  say that 
we were not shy in defending ourselves.” 
Sabaté is an adherent of a controversial force on the left  known as 
antifa. The term, a contraction of the word “anti-fascist,” describes  the 
loose 
affiliation of radical activists who have surfaced in recent months at  
events around the country and have openly scuffled with white supremacists,  
right-wing extremists and, in some cases, ordinary supporters of President  
Trump. Energized in part by Mr. Trump’s election, they have sparred with their  
conservative opponents at political rallies and college campus speaking  
engagements, arguing that one crucial way to combat the far right is to 
confront  its supporters on the streets. 
Unlike most of the counterdemonstrators in Charlottesville  and elsewhere, 
members of antifa have shown no qualms about using their fists,  sticks or 
canisters of pepper spray to meet an array of right-wing antagonists  whom 
they call a fascist threat to American democracy. As explained this week by  a 
dozen adherents of the movement, the ascendant new right in the country  
requires a physical response. 
“People are starting to understand  that neo-Nazis don’t care if you’re 
quiet, you’re peaceful,” said Emily Rose  Nauert, a 20-year-old antifa member 
who became a symbol of the movement in April  when a white nationalist 
leader punched her in the face during a melee near the  University of 
California, Berkeley.
 
 
 
“We’re against violence, just straight up,” said Heidi  Beirich, director 
of the Southern Poverty Law Center’s Intelligence Project,  which tracks 
hate groups. “If you want to protest racists and anti-Semites, it  needs to be 
peacefully and hopefully somewhere away from where those guys are  rallying.”
 
Antifa adherents — some armed with sticks and masked in  bandannas — 
played a visible role in the running street battles in  Charlottesville, but it 
is impossible to know how many people count themselves  as members of the 
movement. Its followers acknowledge it is secretive, without  official leaders 
and organized into autonomous local cells. It is also only one  in a 
constellation of activist movements that have come together in the past  
several 
months to the fight the far right. 
Driven by a range of political passions — including  anticapitalism, 
environmentalism, and gay and indigenous rights — the diverse  collection of 
anarchists, communists and socialists has found common cause in  opposing 
right-wing extremists and white supremacists. In the fight against the  far 
right, 
antifa has allied itself at times with local clergy, members of the  Black 
Lives Matter movement and grass-roots social-justice activists. It has  also 
supported niche groups like Black Bloc fighters, who scrapped with  
right-wing forces in Berkeley this year, and _By Any Means Necessary_ 
(http://www.bamn.com/) , a coalition formed more  than two decades ago to 
protest 
California’s ban on affirmative action for  universities. 
George Ciccariello-Maher, a professor at Drexel University  in Philadelphia 
who counts himself as both an antifa follower and a scholar of  the 
movement, said it did not have a single origin story. The group has  
antecedents in 
Europe, especially Germany and Italy, where its early followers  traded 
shots with Nazis in the 1930s and fought against Benito Mussolini’s  
Blackshirts. Its more recent history has roots in the straight-edge punk rock  
music 
scene, the anti-globalization protests of the 1990s and the Occupy Wall  
Street movement. 
The closest thing antifa may have to a guiding principle  is that 
ideologies it identifies as fascistic or based on a belief in genetic  
inferiority 
cannot be reasoned with and must be physically resisted. Its  adherents 
express disdain for mainstream liberal politics, seeing it as  inadequately 
muscular, and tend to fight the right through what they call  “direct actions” 
rather than relying on government  authorities.
 
 
 
“When you look at this grave and  dangerous threat — and the violence it 
has already caused — is it more dangerous  to do nothing and tolerate it, or 
should we confront it?” Frank Sabaté said.  “Their existence itself is 
violent and dangerous, so I don’t think using force  or violence to oppose them 
is unethical.” 
Another antifa activist, Asha, 28, from Philadelphia, who  also declined to 
give her full name, said that “when people advocate for  genocide and white 
supremacy, that is violence.” She added, “If we just stand  back, we are 
allowing them to build a movement whose end goal is genocide.” 
In the days after the violent events in Charlottesville,  some antifa 
members responded with an angry call to arms, saying they could not  back down 
from what they described as the “aggressors” on the right, even if it  meant 
an escalation into gunfights.
 
 
 
“I hope we never get there,” said a 29-year-old antifa  anarchist from 
California who goes by the pseudonym Tony Hooligan. “But we are  willing to get 
there.”
 
Not all antifa followers are as belligerent, nor are their  tactics 
exclusively violent. When not attending what he called “big  mobilizations” 
like 
the one in Charlottesville, Frank Sabaté has done ordinary  community 
organizing, advocating prison reform and distributing anarchist  literature at 
punk 
rock shows. Others say they do the same in antifa strongholds  like 
Philadelphia, the Bay Area of California and the Pacific  Northwest.
 
The Berkeley campus has been a particular hotbed of antifa  activity, and 
university officials have criticized the group. In February,  black-clad 
protesters, some of whom identified themselves as antifa, smashed  windows, 
threw gasoline bombs and broke into a campus building, causing $100,000  in 
damage.
 
“The very notion of contesting ideas and perspectives with  violence is 
antithetical to everything a university stands for,” said Dan  Mogulof, a 
spokesman.
 
One of antifa’s chief functions, members said, is to  monitor right-wing 
and white supremacist websites like The Daily Stormer and to  expose the 
extremist groups in dispatches on their own websites like_ItsGoingDown.org_ 
(http://itsgoingdown.org/) . According to  James Anderson, who helps run 
ItsGoingDown, interest in the site has spiked  since the events in 
Charlottesville, 
with more than 4,000 followers added for a  total of over 23,000.
 
 
But antifa is “not some new sexy  thing,” Mr. Anderson added. He noted 
that some of those who had scuffled with  those on the right at Mr. Trump’s 
inauguration or at more recent events in New  Orleans and Portland, Ore., were 
veterans of actions at the Republican National  Convention in St. Paul in 
2008, _where  hundreds of people were arrested_ 
(http://www.nytimes.com/2008/09/02/us/politics/02protest.html) , and at Occupy 
encampments in cities 
across  the country. 
Nonetheless, Mr. Anderson said, the far right’s resurgence  under Mr. Trump 
has created a fresh sense of urgency. “Suddenly,” he said,  “people are 
coming into your town with hate. It has to be confronted.” 
One of the most vivid examples of antifa violence occurred  in January at 
Mr. Trump’s inauguration, where a masked member of the movement_punched the 
prominent white  supremacist Richard B. Spencer_ 
(https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9rh1dhur4aI)  (who was pepper-sprayed by an 
antifa  activist in 
Charlottesville). That single blow started a national debate over  whether it 
was 
morally justifiable to _“punch  a Nazi.”_ 
(https://www.nytimes.com/2017/01/21/us/politics/richard-spencer-punched-attack.html)
 
 
 
 
Mr. Spencer, an avid opponent of the left, still drew  distinctions among 
factions within the left-wing community. 
“It’s important to differentiate antifa from liberals,” he  said. “I don’
t think it’s an overstatement to say that antifa believes in  whatever means 
necessary. They have a sadistic streak.” 
Other right-wing figures, like Gavin McInnes, the founder  of the Proud 
Boys, a so-called conservative fraternity of Western chauvinists,  have said 
antifa has done itself no favors by assuming that its enemies all  share the 
same views. Mr. McInnes was invited to Charlottesville but declined to  go, 
he said, because of the presence of explicit white supremacists like Mr.  
Spencer. 
In the past, antifa activists have engaged with people who  were clearly 
something less than outright neo-Nazis, raising questions about  who, if 
anyone, deserves to be punched and whether there is such a thing as  legitimate 
political violence. 
Like many of their opponents, some antifa members insist  that they are 
merely reacting to pre-existing aggression.
 
 
 
“The essence of their message is violence,” Jed, an  antifa organizer in 
New York who asked that his name not be used, said of his  right-wing foes. “
The other side” — his side — “is just  responding.”  
But Ms. Nauert said she  believed that, now more than ever, “physical 
confrontation” would be  needed. 
“In the  end,” she said, “that’s what it’s going to take — because Nazis 
and white  supremacists are not around to talk.

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