The  Guardian

Centrists attack the left,  but they are the true ideologues
 
Owen  Jones

 
 
August 17, 2017

If  a new so-called centrist party is to be set up, why not call it Denial, 
or  perhaps Hubris? Self-described centrists believe that they are the 
besieged  remnants of political sanity in a world gone mad. To be a centrist, 
so 
this  story goes, is to be above ideology: pragmatic, focused on “what works
”, being  grown up. They are the moderate stabilisers, or according to this 
narrative it  is their marginalisation that has opened the way to the 
extremes. In this  centrist worldview, the xenophobic, racist or indeed fascist 
right are deemed to  be politically and morally equivalent to the radical 
left.
 
 
The centrist Vanity Fair writer James  Wolcott is among those who has 
previously _savaged an  “alt-left” straw man of his own creation_ 
(https://www.vanityfair.com/news/2017/03/why-the-alt-left-is-a-problem) . Last 
November, 
the comedian Trevor  Noah _warned  anti-Trump protesters_ 
(http://theweek.com/speedreads/661473/trevor-noah-urges-antitrump-protesters-not-become-hate-tha
t-youre-protesting-against)  not to “become the hate  that you’re 
protesting against”, as though anti-Muslim hatred and the passionate  
repudiation of 
it were somehow morally comparable. _As the  Anti-Defamation League’s Mark 
Pitcavage has put it_ 
(https://www.nytimes.com/2017/08/15/us/politics/alt-left-alt-right-glossary.html)
 , the word “alt-left” was created to  create a 
false equivalence between far right and “anything vaguely left-seeming  that 
they didn’t like. It did not rise organically, and it refers to no actual  
group or movement or network.” But lo, the “alt-left” bogeyman of the  
self-described centrists has been _appropriated by Donald Trump_ 
(https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2017/aug/15/donald-trump-press-conference-far-right-def
ends-charlottesville)  to apologise for, shield and legitimise  fascists 
and Nazis. 
“Centrism” is a misleading term which should  be abandoned, though a 
viable alternative term is lacking: bearers of the  “centrist” flame regard “
neoliberal” or “Blairite” as abusive rather than  descriptive terms. Centrism 
implies non-ideological moderation, and given “left”  and “right” are 
meaningless abstractions for most people, it is a seductive  label. But 
centrists aren’t pragmatists, they’re ideologues, extolling a blend  of market 
liberalism, social liberalism and – more often than not – a hawkish  military 
posture. Claims of moderation in a British context do not readily sit  with 
helping to unleash the murderous, never-ending bloody chaos in Iraq and  
Libya, it should be said. But it is the economic order centrists defend that  
produced the insecurity and stagnation which, in turn, laid the foundations 
for  both the ascendancy of the left and its antithesis, the xenophobic  right.
 
 
 
I can hear the cries already: to lump the Blair  and Cameron era together 
is as inaccurate as it is offensive. Labour’s  progressive achievements – 
such as the minimum wage, public investment and LGBT  rights – should be both 
defended and extended. But the failure of_Labour_ 
(https://www.theguardian.com/politics/labour)  centrists to regulate the 
financial  sector, to build 
the housing Britain needed, to adequately reverse the social  destruction of 
Thatcherism – all this sowed seeds of the coming cataclysm. Four  years 
before the crash, wages began to stagnate for the bottom half; for the  bottom 
third, they began to decline, while it remained boomtime for Britain’s  
triumphalist elite. 
 
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Despite their shamefully unchallenged later  revision of history, the 
Tories backed every penny of Labour’s spending until  the financial calamity. 
But 
then came the Osborne-Cameron-Clegg era of  austerity, while Labour’s 
centrists demanded the party commit to cuts in the  name of “fiscal credibility”
. Ed Miliband recognised that this consensus was no  longer viable, even if 
he was unable to definitively break from it. The  centrists loathe and fear 
Corbynism, but they were its midwives. Similarly,  without a toxic fusion of 
economic insecurity and xenophobic scapegoating,  rightwing populism would 
have remained confined to the online rants of frothing  keyboard warriors. 
What is striking about these so-called  centrists is they offer little 
evidence of self-reflection about their plight.  Their decline isn’t due to 
their own failures, but the irrationality and madness  of others. They are the 
grownups, and infants on a sugar-high of populism have  taken over. Hillary 
Clinton lost to a candidate widely dismissed as less likely  to win the 
presidency than an asteroid crashing to Earth. But no blame was  attributed to 
her political outlook: it was all Russian intervention and  misogyny, and 
nothing else. 
In Britain, there is growing chatter  about _a new  centrist party_ 
(https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2017/aug/11/new-centrist-party-split-tori
es-not-labour-neoliberals-free-market-economics) . This, at  a time when 
more than _80% of the  electorate voted_ 
(https://www.theguardian.com/politics/ng-interactive/2017/jun/08/live-uk-election-results-in-full-2017)
  for a 
left-led Labour party or the  Brexiteer Tories, the two parties’ highest 
combined share of the vote for nearly  half a century, in an election in which 
the anti-Brexit centrist Liberal  Democrats flopped.
 
 
 
It is revealing that the disgruntled  centrists offer virtually no clues 
about their vision other than opposing  Brexit. The remain cause is a 
political life raft: it allows them to present an  image of political 
insurgence, of 
radicalism, rebellion even. Because Labour has  pledged to honour the 
referendum result, they can promote the fiction that  Corbynism and rightwing 
Toryism are a unified cabal leading Britain to national  ruin. Those who voted 
for remain but feel it is politically impossible to  overturn _Brexit_ 
(https://www.theguardian.com/politics/eu-referendum)  are portrayed as  
traitors. 
It is a convenient crutch to conceal their lack  of answers to any of the 
insecurities and injustices that led to their downfall  in the first place. 
Will they raise taxes on the rich and major corporations to  end cuts? Will 
they abolish the burden of student debt? Will utilities be  brought in to 
public ownership? What evidence is there that they want anything  other than a 
return to the world that existed until 2015, a world they thought  would 
last forever until its dramatic implosion?
 
 
 
The traditional centrist caricature of the left  was this. We blamed our 
political marginalisation on the “false consciousness”  of the masses. We are 
dogmatic and purist, obsessed with the past, unwilling to  compromise, and 
we are more interested in looking for traitors rather than  converts. Does 
this not increasingly resemble the outlook of many of today’s  self-described 
centrists? Would it not be worthwhile holding a postmortem that  examines 
their own failures, instead of blaming their weak political position on  an 
electorate succumbing to unreasonable populism? Would it not make sense to  
debate answers to the insecurities and injustices that led Britain to a  
political moment which is a source of such despair for centrists? 
It is my own view that centrism has no answers,  and that if the left 
fails, the vacuum will be filled by a populist, hateful  right. It was the 
extremism of the economic order that centrists defended – not  its moderation – 
that led Britain here. Centrists will dispute this, and find it  almost 
inconceivable that they have been thrust into the political wilderness  once 
inhabited by the left. But until they come to terms with their own  failures, 
they will surely never rule  again.

-- 
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Centroids: The Center of the Radical Centrist Community 
<[email protected]>
Google Group: http://groups.google.com/group/RadicalCentrism
Radical Centrism website and blog: http://RadicalCentrism.org

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