Real Clear Politics
 
Real Clear Religion
 
 
 
What  We Can Learn From Religious Liberty Battles in India


 
 


 



 
COMMENTARY


 
By _Alex  Caro_ (http://www.realclearreligion.org/authors/alex_caro/) 
September 06, 2017


 
The  Constitution of India declares the nation a secular republic. Despite 
this, the  nation’s left-leaning Congress Party has long sought to appease 
conservative  religionists. That is, as long as they are members of a 
minority religious  community. This results in a deeply hypocritical approach 
to 
governance, in  which the Congress Party fails to stand up for liberalism and 
universal human  rights in the face of theocrats. The party may pay lip 
service to progressive  causes, but, as we all know, actions speak louder than 
words. 
This  is evident in Congress Party Vice President Rahul Gandhi’s “
_welcoming_ 
(https://twitter.com/OfficeOfRG/status/899970905006198784?ref_src=twsrc^tfw&ref_url=http://www.republicworld.com/s/5425/rahul-gandhi-terms-scs-verdic
t-on-triple-talaq-as-welcome-move) ”  of the Indian Supreme Court’s 
decision a few weeks ago to ban triple talaq, a  practice whereby one can 
instantly divorce one’s spouse simply by stating  “talaq, talaq, talaq,” 
provided 
that one meets the government’s requirements of  being 1) Muslim and 2) male. 
Both the party and Rahul’s father, former Prime  Minister Rajiv Gandhi, 
protected the practice in an attempt to appease its  regressive base in the 
1980s. The major opposition party, BJP, is no better. The  party claims to 
defend “Hindu” values, but more often than not simply defends  the most 
regressive attitudes imported by the Christian British and Islamic  Mughal 
colonizers. 
To  illustrate this dynamic, consider the issue of the Victorian-era ban on 
 homosexuality in India. The Congress Party’s conservative Christian and 
Muslim  minority constituents have_defended  the ban_ 
(http://indiatoday.intoday.in/story/supreme-court-reopens-lgbt-debate-religious-bodies-unite-to-oppos
e-decriminalisation/1/586205.html) , as have BJP’s conservative Hindu 
constituents, leaving only smaller  liberal minorities in both parties to 
attempt 
to enact change. As Sadanand  Dhume _explained_ 
(http://www.aei.org/publication/the-politics-of-gay-rights-in-india/) ,  
“Opposition to homosexuality 
in India may appear to remain relatively broad, but  it doesn’t run 
particularly deep … [unlike in Islam,] antigay positions lack  deep scriptural 
sanction in Hinduism.” As a result, the Congress Party’s secular  elite say 
they 
want the ban overturned but have done little to enact this  change, and the 
BJP has tried to appear _neutral  and uninterested_ 
(http://www.dnaindia.com/india/report-sec-377-re-think-both-bjp-and-congress-welcome-sc-decision-2173
163)  in the issue. 
However,  when it comes to issues that are explicitly unrelated to 
Hinduism, the BJP often  takes the lead where Congress flounders. Despite 
claiming 
the mantle of  progressivism, the Congress Party used its supermajority in 
Parliament in 1986  not to ensure the elimination of triple talaq once and for 
all, but to instead  dilute the Indian Supreme Court’s 1985 decision 
against the policy. The Party  did so out of fear of electoral losses, 
essentially 
proving BJP’s accusations of  appeasement correct. 
When  the Supreme Court finally put down the policy once and for all a few 
weeks ago,  Congress was _quick to  welcome_ 
(https://twitter.com/INCIndia/status/899898621872586753)  “a progressive, 
secular judgement for equal 
rights of Muslim  women in India.” The party did not seem aware that the 
implication of this  statement was that their own policy was regressive, 
anti-secular, unequal, and  misogynistic toward Muslim women. As writer Taslima 
Nasrin 
has put _this  strange situation_ 
(http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/Indian-writers-guilty-of-double-standards-when-it-comes-to-dissent-Taslima-Na
srin/articleshow/49425201.cms) , “Most secular people [in India] are 
pro-Muslims and  anti-Hindu. They protest against the acts of Hindu 
fundamentalists and defend  the heinous acts of Muslim fundamentalists.” 
The  All-India Muslim Personal Law Board had fought to keep this barbaric 
practice of  triple talaq in place, stating that “setting the validity of 
customs and  practices of a community is a slippery slope.” This is a slope 
India needs to  slide down at full speed if it wants to join the community of 
modern nations. If  Congress is not simply continuing its long-standing 
policy of empty words  without actions, it would do well to support the 
mounting 
pressure for a Uniform  Civil Code. The UCC would ensure that Indian law 
applies equally to everyone,  regardless of their religion. It would go a long 
way toward protecting the  fundamental, universal human rights of Muslims, 
Hindus, Christians, atheists,  and all Indians, for that matter. 
It  would also avoid entrenching and legitimizing the most regressive 
religious  attitudes as official government policy, putting an end to forcing 
government  judges to attempt to interpret the true tenets of the Bible and 
Quran, and  empowering religious reformers against the worst elements of their 
respective  religions. From a purely political perspective, by avoiding 
hypocrisy Congress  should work with BJP when it supports progressive, liberal 
policies so that it  can make a stronger argument against BJP when it fails 
to oppose illiberal  practices within the Hindu community. Otherwise, it 
risks alienating the  country’s Hindu majority through its current strategy of 
hypocritically  appeasing the fringe sentiments of religious minorities. 
Commentators  who claim “Indian secularism” is different from “Western 
secularism” are  disingenuous. The U.S. has gone through a similar debate 
regarding the limits of  religious freedom in a secular country and given 
religious groups the right to  override even generally applicable laws — a 
defense 
used in a plethora of cases,  such as those _protecting  historic landmarks_ 
(http://www.pewforum.org/2008/10/23/brutalism-is-in-the-eye-of-the-beholder-
a-congregation-sues-dc-for-making-its-church-building-a-historic-landmark/) 
, _prohibiting  illicit substances_ 
(http://www.pewforum.org/2006/02/21/supreme-court-rules-that-religious-group-can-use-illegal-drug-in-their-worship-s
ervices/) , _preventing  discrimination against gays_ 
(https://www.theatlantic.com/politics/archive/2016/01/lgbt-discrimination-protection-states-religi
on/422730/) , _ending child  abuse_ 
(http://time.com/4481073/indiana-rfra-law-child-abuse/) , or_ensuring  women’s 
reproductive health_ 
(http://www.npr.org/2016/03/23/471003272/birth-control-at-the-supreme-court-does-free-covera
ge-violate-religious-freedom)  — privileges not afforded to those who hold  
sincere secular beliefs. 
Regarding  this issue, in 1990, American Supreme Court Justice Antonin 
Scalia_explained_ (https://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt/text/494/872)  that 
 
the constitutionality of generally applicable laws is an “unavoidable  
consequence of democratic government [that] must be preferred to a system in  
which each conscience is a law unto itself.” American politicians failed to  
adhere to Scalia’s sage advice, preferring to enable religious supremacy. The 
 Congress Party would be wise not to make the same mistake, or risk further 
 entrenching religious divisions in the  country.

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