Hello again, Billy Rojas,
I am finding your views on economics  important and would like to post it
to my blog. Let me know if you have any concerns.
Regards, Karthik Navayan


On Wed, 4 Apr 2018, 5:53 am Billy Rojas, <[email protected]>
wrote:

> *Ernie:*
>
> Marx stood Hegel on his head*; *it is only fair that we stand Marx on *
> his* head.
>
>
> What determines value in an economy?  Whatever labor and goods that are
>
> required to win the favors of the opposite sex.  Since this will vary from
>
> one man to the next, one woman to the next, the economic system will
>
> always be structurally irrational.  Not totally crazy, but not at all
>
> wholly rational, indeed, far from it even if anyone can detect
>
> some modicum or order   -which is dictated by the logic
>
> of production and exchange. Yet all the fuss is ever and always
>
> the result of desire for the services of the opposite sex.
>
>
> Each sex has need of the other, like it or not, and love makes the economy
> go 'round.
>
>
> To say the same thing, this also means taking into account the needs of
> families,
>
> of the kids involved, of any pets, of gardens that may be grown to
> cultivate
>
> veggies for the household, and so forth even if, in our world, "gardening"
>
> is by proxy, in Iowa or the San Joaquin Valley or Mexico.
>
>
> Throughout all of history wars have been fought for access to women
>
> and women have played the economic game to procure decent homes
>
> for themselves in which to raise children.
>
>
>  A man by himself, is satisfied with simple things, hell, next-to-nothing
> will do just fine it it includes what he considers necessities, whether
>
> enough beer or enough smokes or enough gas money to run his jalopy.
>
> Add a woman to the equation and you get a man possessed. His needs
>
> now become gargantuan:  A fine house that costs $350,000, a new car
>
> that costs $29,995,  clothes for everyone concerned, only quality garments
>
> will do, not worn out jeans that had been good enough in an earlier time,
>
> and so forth, for computers, TV entertainment, discretionary money
>
> for restaurants or concerts, and so forth.  This results in a lot of
> concern
>
> about what government policies will facilitate one's new lifestyle
>
> and which political movements may threaten security or affluence.
>
>
> It also means new priorities. A single man may not give a hoot about
>
> jewelry, and why should he?  Why get hung up about glittering trinkets?
> But with a woman in the picture, by God he had better buy her some
>
> diamonds or emeralds because gemstones are her insurance against
>
> his dying early, or  his philandering, or his illness that ruins a family
>
> finances.  And there had better be expenditures for status items
>
> more generally, so that the kiddies, when they grow up,
>
> can make their families proud and the best way to do that
>
> is to trade on status to get them admitted to a quality university
>
> or take vacations where they will meet other high-status young people,
>
> and so forth.   It all hangs together.
>
>
>
> Take sex out of the equation and economics is a crap shoot
>
> with twenty different theories each making some sense but
>
> by no means are any of these theories the last word
>
> and to take any literally is to guarantee failure.
>
> The motor of economics is sex, plain and simple.
>
> Or plain and complex *s'il vous plait*, but you get the idea.
>
>
> In other words there is a reason why prostitution is called
>
> the world's oldest profession.  Sex has intrinsic value;
>
> as a rule it results in the perpetuation of the species,
>
> and what could be more valuable than that?
>
>
> But it also means pride in self, hence all kinds of positive feelings
>
> that make life seem worthwhile and worth the trouble.   Whether or not
>
> women value sex intrinsically you can decide for yourself,
>
> but for  sure they value it for purposes of motherhood
>
> and if for no other reason it therefore has the highest
>
> possible value, worth any sacrifice.
>
>
> This is the real foundation of economics.
>
>
>
> Billy
>
> Chicago School of New Economics
>
>
>
> _____________________________________________________________
>
>
>
>
>
>
> ------------------------------
> *From:* [email protected] <[email protected]>
> on behalf of Centroids <[email protected]>
> *Sent:* Tuesday, April 3, 2018 4:22 PM
> *To:* Centroids Discussions
> *Subject:* [RC] Why Marxists obsess over labor
>
>
> *This was really helpful. I could never understand why Marxists obsessed
> so much over labor, and utterly disregarded the multiplicative power of
> capital investment*
>
>
> *The Diamond-Water Paradox and the Subjective Theory of Value*
>
> http://partiallyexaminedlife.com/2018/04/03/the-diamond-water-paradox-and-the-subjective-theory-of-value/
>
> <http://partiallyexaminedlife.com/2018/04/03/the-diamond-water-paradox-and-the-subjective-theory-of-value/>
> The Diamond-Water Paradox and the Subjective Theory of Value | The
> Partially Examined Life Philosophy Podcast | A Philosophy Podcast and Blog
> <http://partiallyexaminedlife.com/2018/04/03/the-diamond-water-paradox-and-the-subjective-theory-of-value/>
> partiallyexaminedlife.com
> Why do diamonds cost more than water, when water is essential to life? The
> answer eluded both Smith and Marx before its resolution arrived in the form
> of the Marginal Revolution.
>
> (via Instapaper <http://www.instapaper.com/>)
>
> ------------------------------
>
> In his famous work *The Wealth of Nations*, Adam Smith
> <http://partiallyexaminedlife.com/2017/10/16/ep174-1-adam-smith/>
> articulated a paradox that he could not resolve: water is essential to
> life; diamonds a mere decoration. Yet for all that, we are willing to
> lavish enormous sums on pretty rocks while taking clean water for granted.
> What could explain this disconnect?
>
> Smith’s confusion stemmed from his understanding of the source of economic
> value. The eighteenth century, while an age of enlightenment and
> revolution, was still very much mired in the religious worldview of the
> Medieval era, and many great thinkers believed that God imbued the world
> with value. It must have been quite difficult to imagine any sort of value,
> let alone that of economic goods, originating from some source other than
> the Creator of all things. Indeed, Smith, like many of his contemporaries,
> ascribed to an intrinsic understanding of value, one which saw prices as a
> manifestation of some “objective” quality of the thing being sold.
>
> That quality was the amount of labor that went into the production of the
> commodity in question. “The real price of everything, what everything
> really costs to the man who wants to acquire it, is the toil and trouble of
> acquiring it,” asserted Smith.[1] His view has a certain intuitive appeal
> to it. Now known as the “labor theory of value,” this perspective holds
> that the prices of goods on the market are ultimately determined by the
> effort expended in their production.
>
> This, of course, begs the question: what determines the price of labor? On
> Smith’s account, there is nothing else to turn to:
>
> Labor was the first price, the original purchase-money that was paid for
> all things. It was not by gold or by silver, but by labor, that all the
> wealth of the world was originally purchased; and its value, to those who
> possess it, and who want to exchange it for some new productions, is
> precisely equal to the quantity of labor which it can enable them to
> purchase or command.[2]
>
> In this way, labor can be understood as the genesis of all value, the
> first building block upon which all economic goods rest. It is easy to see
> why this account took hold in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. It
> seemed to explain the inflated prices of labor-intensive goods such as
> cotton and saffron, which demanded hours of sweat from peasants (and
> slaves) for a relatively small amount of raw material. It also entails that
> an informed expert could, with the proper information, calculate the “true
> price” of a good. Yet that’s not all: the labor theory of value instills a
> sense of justice into market transactions.
>
> According to the labor theory of value, those goods that people must work
> hard to produce are highly valued. On the other hand, those goods that are
> produced with ease do not fetch an impressive price. This characterization
> of market value has an obvious appeal, because it seems to reward human
> effort.
>
> Many great thinkers followed Smith in ascribing to this view. David
> Ricardo, the famous nineteenth-century defender of free trade, further
> refined Smith’s position, which was taken up by another famous economist, Karl
> Marx <http://partiallyexaminedlife.com/2013/01/30/ep70-marx/>. Marx was
> careful to differentiate between what may be simply called “effort” and
> “labor.” For example, he believed that there is a difference between
> skilled and unskilled labor, so that one hour of skilled labor may be equal
> to two hours of unskilled labor.
>
> Yet despite this differentiation, Marx was obsessed with aggregates, and
> his formulation of *social necessity* is just one example. To a Marxist
> proper, the amount of time actually expended in the production of a good
> does not matter as much as the amount of time that it *should* take to
> produce something. As Marx put it, “that which determines the magnitude of
> the value of any article is the amount of labor socially necessary, or the
> labor time socially necessary for its production.”[3] Social necessity is
> derived from the average level of productivity in a given society,
> regardless of the time spent on any item in particular.
>
> Marx wrote *Das Kapital* <https://amzn.to/2GmSvxd> nearly 100 years after
> Smith’s *The Wealth of Nations* made its debut in 1776. The continuity of
> the labor theory of value between these two otherwise diametrically opposed
> works is remarkable, and speaks to its hegemony in classical economics. It
> also gives evidence of the intractability of the diamond-water paradox: in
> 1860, there was still no explanation for the fact that diamonds fetch a
> higher price than water. Yet a few years before Marx published his magnum
> opus, a new theory arrived on the scene, proposed by three thinkers almost
> simultaneously.
>
> Three economists developed an alternative explanation of economic
> phenomena in the 1860s and 1870s. While working independently, William
> Stanley Jevons (British), Carl Menger (Austrian), and Marie-Esprit-Léon
> Walras (Swiss) all proposed that economic value comes not from any quality
> of the good in question, but from the human mind.
>
> Menger gives an unusually artistic description of this development in his
>
> If the locks between two still bodies of water at different levels are
> opened, the surface will become ruffled with waves that will gradually
> subside until the water is still once more. The waves are only symptoms of
> the operation of the forces we call gravity and friction. The prices of
> goods, which are symptoms of an economic equilibrium in the distribution of
> possessions between the economies of individuals, resemble these waves. The
> force that drives them to the surface is the ultimate and general cause of
> all economic activity, the endeavor of men to satisfy their needs as
> completely as possible, to better their economic positions. But since
> prices are the only phenomena of the process that are directly perceptible,
> since their magnitudes can be measured exactly, and since daily living
> brings them unceasingly before our eyes, it was easy to commit the error of
> regarding the magnitude of price as the essential feature of an exchange,
> and as a result of this mistake, to commit the further error of regarding
> the quantities of goods in an exchange as equivalents. The result was
> incalculable damage to our science since writers in the field of price
> theory lost themselves in attempts to solve the problem of discovering the
> causes of an alleged equality between two quantities of goods. Some found
> the cause in equal quantities of labor expended on the goods. Others found
> it in equal costs of production. And a dispute even arose as to whether the
> goods are given for each other because they are equivalents, or whether
> they are equivalents because they are exchanged. But such an equality of
> the values of two quantities of goods (an equality in the objective sense)
> nowhere has any real existence. The error on which these theories were
> based becomes immediately apparent as soon as we free ourselves from the
> one-sidedness that previously prevailed in the observation of price
> phenomena.[4]
>
> This theory of value thus focuses not on visible economic phenomena, but
> on the forces that bring them into being: “the endeavors of men to satisfy
> their needs as completely as possible.” Indeed, all three of the authors of
> what is now known as the Marginal Revolution emphasize the role that an
> individual’s mental states play in the creation of value.
>
> What explains economic value, in this new system? On Menger’s view, “value
> is the importance that individual goods or quantities of goods attain for
> us because we are conscious of being dependent on command of them for the
> satisfaction of our needs” (115). This implies that goods that are always
> and everywhere readily available do not attain an economic value—we are not
> dependent on command for them for the satisfaction of our needs if we
> already have them at hand. Only scarce goods can come into our
> consciousness in this way. It also implies that “true prices” do not exist,
> because prices are the result of subjective valuations.
>
> This focus on mental phenomena helps explain why certain goods that might
> be seen as important resources today had no monetary value hundreds of
> years ago. It is not any immutable and unchanging feature of an item that
> gives it value. Rather, value comes from human perception.
>
> Yet how does the subjective theory of value resolve the diamond-water
> paradox? Put another way, why do human subjects not recognize the greater
> importance of water in their purchases?
>
> The answer lies in the crucial focus on *individual* goods and services.
> Classical economists saw diamonds and water as aggregates, or categories.
> However, Jevons, Menger, and Walras perceived that people interact only
> with individual goods. In other words, no one chooses between “all of the
> diamonds” and “all of the water.” Rather, people select discrete units of
> water and discrete units of diamonds. Hence the “Marginal” Revolution.
>
> When people ascribe value to a good, they value each unit of each good
> according to the least urgent need that can be satisfied by that good. Or
> put another way, goods attain their value through their *marginal utility*.
> As one classic example goes, a farmer who has five sacks of grain may
> devote the first two to foodstuffs, then, one to feeding her animals, the
> fourth to distilling hard liquor, and the final sack to feeding birds that
> perch on her barn. If the farmer were to lose one sack of grain, she
> wouldn’t reduce each of these activities by one-fifth. Instead, she would
> stop the least valuable activity—that of feeding birds—and preserve the
> most valuable activities intact. Thus, the value of one sack of grain to
> the farmer is precisely the satisfaction she stands to lose if she is
> unable to feed birds. This is the marginal utility of each sack.[5]
>
> In normal circumstances, people intent on buying diamonds have no further
> need for any concrete quantity of drinking water. They don’t stand to lose
> any amount of satisfaction if they pass up the chance to use more water.
> Yet the same isn’t true of diamonds, which are typically scarce enough so
> that, in Menger’s words, “even the least significant satisfactions assured
> by the total quantity available still have a relatively high importance to
> economizing men.”[6] This explains the higher price of a unit of diamonds
> compared to a unit of water. It’s also worth noting that the marginal
> approach also holds true in unusual circumstances. If someone on a desert
> island must choose between a chest full of diamonds and a gallon of water,
> chances are they’ll prefer the water.
>
> Jevons, Menger, and Walras succeeded in explaining diverse economic
> phenomena, and resolved a paradox that had befuddled Adam Smith, Karl Marx,
> and all who came between and before them. Their insistence on the
> subjective nature of economic value, and the impossibility of calculating
> the “true cost” of any good, continues to challenge many notions widely
> held today.
>
> [1] Adam Smith, *An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of
> Nations* (MetaLibri, 2007), https://bit.ly/2fvwmCh (PDF).
>
> [2] Smith, *Wealth of* *Nations*, 28.
>
> [3] Karl Marx, *Capital, A Critique of Political Economy *(Marxists.org,
> 2015), https://bit.ly/1qHtn3M (PDF).
>
> [4] Carl Menger, *Principles of Economics* (Mises Institute, 2007),
> https://bit.ly/2urdKMA (PDF).
>
> [5] Eugen von Böhm-Bawerk, *The Positive Theory of Capital *
> <https://amzn.to/2GUhI30>(G.E. Stechert & Co., 1930).
>
> [6] Menger, *Principles of Economics*, 40.
>
> *Adam De Gree is a freelance writer and homeschool history teacher based
> in Prague. He studied Philosophy at UC Santa Barbara and can be reached by
> email here <[email protected]>.*
>
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> ------------------------------
>
>
> Sent from my iPhone
>
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