https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Prussian_education_system

Prussian education system

Johann Julius Hecker memorial in Berlin honors him founding the first prussian 
teachers seminary in 1748, Heckers bust thrones over a future teacher in 
classical regalia and posture
The Prussian education system refers to the system of education established in 
Prussia as a result of educational reforms in the late 18th and early 19th 
century, which has had widespread influence since. It is predominantly used as 
an American political slogan in educational reform debates, since it was 
adopted by all American K–12 public schools and major universities as early as 
the late 18th century, and is often used as a derogatory term for education in 
the service of nation-building, teaching children and young adults blind 
obedience to authority, and reinforcing class and race prejudice.[1] The actual 
Prussian education system was introduced as a basic concept in the late 18th 
century and was significantly enhanced after Prussia's defeat in the early 
stages of the Napoleonic Wars. The Prussian educational reforms inspired other 
countries and remains important as a biopower in the Foucaultian sense for 
nation-building.[2] Compulsory education on the Prussian example was soon 
mirrored in Scandinavia, and United States started to adopt the Prussian 
example. Early American adopters include Daniel Coit Gilman, who set up the 
General Education Board, later renamed the Rockefeller Foundation, and first 
president of Johns Hopkins, John Dewey at the University of Chicago, James 
McKeen Cattell at The University of Pennsylvania and Columbia University, Henry 
Philip Tappan at The University of Michigan, James Earl Russell at the New York 
College for the Training of Teachers, and many more. France and the UK did not 
introduce similar systems until the 1880s.

The term itself is not used in German literature, which refers to the primary 
aspects of the Humboldtian education ideal respectively as the Prussian 
reforms; however, the basic concept remains fruitful and has led to various 
debates and controversies. Twenty-first century primary and secondary education 
in Germany and beyond still embodies the legacy of the Prussian education 
system.

Origin

The basic foundations of a generic Prussian primary education system were laid 
out by Frederick the Great with his Generallandschulreglement, a decree of 
1763, authored by Johann Julius Hecker. Hecker had already before (in 1748) 
founded the first teacher's seminary in Prussia. His concept of providing 
teachers with the means to cultivate mulberries for homespun silk, which was 
one of Frederick's favorite projects, found the King's favour.[3] It expanded 
the existing schooling system significantly and required that all young 
citizens, both girls and boys, be educated by mainly municipality-funded 
schools from the age of 5 to 13 or 14. Prussia was among the first countries in 
the world to introduce tax-funded and generally compulsory primary 
education.[4] In comparison, in France and Great Britain, compulsory schooling 
was not successfully enacted until the 1880s.[5]

The Prussian system consisted of an eight-year course of primary education, 
called Volksschule. It provided not only basic technical skills needed in a 
modernizing world (such as reading and writing), but also music (singing) and 
religious (Christian) education in close cooperation with the churches and 
tried to impose a strict ethos of duty, sobriety and discipline. Mathematics 
and calculus were not compulsory at the start and taking such courses required 
additional payment by parents. Frederick the Great also formalized further 
educational stages, the Realschule and as the highest stage the gymnasium 
(state-funded secondary school), which served as a university-preparatory 
school.[6]

Construction of schools received some state support, but they were often built 
on private initiative. Friedrich Eberhard von Rochow, a member of the local 
gentry and former cavalry officer in Reckahn, Brandenburg, installed such a 
school. Von Rochow cooperated with Heinrich Julius Bruns (1746–1794), a 
talented teacher of modest background. The two installed a model school for 
rural education that attracted more than 1,200 notable visitors between 1777 
and 1794.[7]

The Prussian system, after its modest beginnings, succeeded in reaching 
compulsory attendance, specific training for teachers, national testing for all 
students (of both genders), a prescribed national curriculum for each grade and 
mandatory kindergarten.[8] Training of teachers was increasingly organized via 
private seminaries. Hecker had already in 1748 founded the first 
"Lehrerseminar", but the density and impact of the seminary system improving 
significantly until the end of the 18th century.[9] In 1810, Prussia introduced 
state certification requirements for teachers, which significantly raised the 
standard of teaching.[10] The final examination, Abitur, was introduced in 
1788, implemented in all Prussian secondary schools by 1812 and extended to all 
of Germany in 1871. Passing the Abitur was a prerequisite to entering the 
learned professions and higher echelons of the civil service. The 
state-controlled Abitur remains in place in modern Germany.

The Prussian system had by the 1830s attained the following characteristics:[11]

Free primary schooling, at least for poor citizens
Professional teachers trained in specialized colleges
A basic salary for teachers and recognition of teaching as a profession
An extended school year to better involve children of farmers
Funding to build schools
Supervision at national and classroom level to ensure quality instruction
Curriculum inculcating a strong national identity, involvement of science and 
technology
Secular instruction (but with religion as a topic included in the curriculum)
Outreach

The overall system was soon widely admired for its efficiency and reduction of 
illiteracy, and served as a model for the education systems in other German 
states and a number of other countries, including Japan and the United 
States.[12]

The underlying Humboldtian educational ideal of brothers Alexander and Wilhelm 
von Humboldt was about much more than primary education; it strived for 
academic freedom and the education of both cosmopolitan-minded and loyal 
citizens from the earliest levels. The Prussian system had strong backing in 
the traditional German admiration and respect for Bildung as an individual's 
drive to cultivate oneself from within.[13]

Drivers and hindrancesEdit

Major drivers for improved education in Prussia since the 18th century had a 
background in the middle and upper middle strata of society and were pioneered 
by the Bildungsbürgertum. The concept as such faced strong resistance both from 
the top, as major players in the ruling nobility feared increasing literacy 
among peasants and workers would raise unrest, and from the very poor, who 
preferred to use their children as early as possible for rural or industrial 
labor.[3]

The system's proponents overcame such resistance with the help of foreign 
pressure and internal failures, after the defeat of Prussia in the early stages 
of the Napoleonic Wars. After the military blunder of Prussian drill and line 
formation against the levée en masse of the French revolutionary army in the 
Battle of Jena–Auerstedt in 1806, reformers and German nationalists urged for 
major improvements in education. In 1809 Wilhelm von Humboldt, having been 
appointed minister of education, promoted his idea of a generic education based 
on a neohumanist ideal of broad general knowledge, in full academic freedom 
without any determination or restriction by status, profession or wealth. 
Humboldt's de:Königsberger Schulplan was one of the earliest white papers to 
lay out a reform of a country's educational system as a whole.[14] Humboldt's 
concept still forms the foundation of the contemporary German education 
system.[15] The Prussian system provided compulsory and basic schooling for 
everyone, but the significantly higher fees for attending gymnasium or a 
university imposed a high barrier between upper social strata and middle and 
lower social strata.[16]

Interaction with the German national movementEdit

In 1807 Johann Gottlieb Fichte had urged a new form of education in his 
Addresses to the German Nation. While Prussian (military) drill in the times 
before had been about obedience to orders without any leeway, Fichte asked for 
shaping of the personality of students: ""[17] The citizens should be made able 
and willing to use their own minds to achieve higher goals in the framework of 
a future unified German nation state.[18] Fichte and other philosophers, such 
as the Brothers Grimm, tried to circumvent the nobility's resistance to a 
common German nation state via proposing the concept of a Kulturnation, 
nationhood without needing a state but based on a common language, musical 
compositions and songs, shared fairy tales and legends and a common ethos and 
educational canon.[19]

Various German national movement leaders engaged themselves in educational 
reform. For example, Friedrich Ludwig Jahn (1778–1852), dubbed the Turnvater, 
was the father of German gymnastics and a student fraternity leader and 
nationalist but failed in his nationalist efforts; between 1820 and 1842 Jahn's 
gymnastics movement was forbidden because of his proto-Nazi politics.[20] Later 
on, Jahn and others were successful in integrating physical education and 
sports into Prussian and overall German curricula and popular culture.[21]

By 1870, the Prussian system began to privilege High German as an official 
language against various ethnic groups (such as Poles, Sorbs and Danes) living 
in Prussia and other German states. Previous attempts to establish "Utraquism" 
schools (bilingual education) in the east of Prussia had been identified with 
high illiteracy rates there.[22]

Interaction with religionEdit

Pietism, a reformist group within Lutheranism, forged a political alliance with 
the King of Prussia based on a mutual interest in breaking the dominance of the 
Lutheran state church. The Prussian Kings, Calvinists among Lutherans, feared 
the influence of the Lutheran state church and its close connections with the 
provincial nobility, while Pietists suffered from persecution by the Lutheran 
orthodoxy. Bolstered by royal patronage, Pietism replaced the Lutheran church 
as the effective state religion by the 1760s. Pietist theology stressed the 
need for "inner spirituality" (de:Innerlichkeit), to be found through the 
reading of Scripture. Consequently, Pietists helped form the principles of the 
modern public school system, including the stress on literacy, while more 
Calvinism-based educational reformers (English and Swiss) asked for externally 
oriented, utilitarian approaches and were critical of internally soul searching 
idealism.[23]

Prussia was able to leverage the Protestant Church as a partner and ally in the 
setup of its educational system. Prussian ministers, particularly Karl Abraham 
Freiherr von Zedlitz, sought to introduce a more centralized, uniform system 
administered by the state during the 18th century. The implementation of the 
Prussian General Land Law of 1794 was a major step toward this goal. However, 
there remains in Germany to the present a complicated system of burden sharing 
between municipalities and state administration for primary and secondary 
education. The various confessions still have a strong say, contribute 
religious instruction as a regular topic in schools and receive state funding 
to allow them to provide preschool education and kindergarten. In comparison, 
the French and Austrian education systems faced major setbacks due to ongoing 
conflicts with the Catholic Church and its educational role.[5] The 
introduction of compulsory schooling in France was delayed till the 1880s.

Political and cultural role of teachersEdit

Generations of Prussian and also German teachers, who in the 18th century often 
had no formal education and in the very beginning often were untrained former 
petty officers, tried to gain more academic recognition, training and better 
pay and played an important role in various protest and reform movements 
throughout the 19th and into the 20th century. Namely the Revolutions of 1848 
in the German states and the protests of 1968 saw a strong involvement of 
(future) teachers.[3] There is a long tradition of parody and ridicule, where 
teachers were being depicted in a janus-faced manner as either, authoritarian 
drill masters or, on the other hand, poor wretches which were suffering the 
constant spite of pranking pupils, negligent parents and spiteful local 
authorities.[24]

A 2010 book title like "Germany, your teachers; why the future of our children 
is being decided in the classroom" shows the 18th and 19th century 
Enlightenment ideals of teachers[24] educating the nation about its most sacred 
and important issues.[25] The notion of Biedermeier, a petty bourgeous image of 
the age between 1830 and 1848er was coined on Samuel Friedrich Sauter, a school 
master and poet which had written the famous German song "Das arme 
Dorfschulmeisterlein" (The poor little schoolmaster).[24] Actually the 18th 
primary teachers income was a third of a parish priest[24] and teachers were 
being described as being as uppity as proverbially poor. However German notion 
of homeschooling was less than favorable, Germans deemed the school system as 
being necessary. E.g. Heinrich Spoerls 1933 "escapist masterpiece"[26] novel 
(and movie) Die Feuerzangenbowle tells the (till the present) popular story of 
a writer going undercover as a student at a small town school after his friends 
in Berlin tell him that he missed out on the best part of growing up by being 
homeschooled.

Spread to other countries

State-oriented mass educational systems were instituted in the 19th century in 
the rest of Europe. They have become an indispensable component of modern 
nation-states.[citation needed] Public education was widely institutionalized 
throughout the world and its development has a close link with nation-building, 
which often occurred in parallel. Such systems were put in place when the idea 
of mass education was not yet taken for granted.[27]

ExamplesEdit

In Austria, Empress Maria Theresa had already made use of Prussian pedagogical 
methods in 1774 as a means to strengthen her hold over Austria.[28] The 
introduction of compulsory primary schooling in Austria based on the Prussian 
model had a powerful role, a biopower in the sense of Michel Foucault sense in 
establishing this and others modern nation states shape and formation.[28]

The Prussian reforms in education spread quickly through Europe, particularly 
after the French Revolution. The Napoleonic Wars first allowed the system to be 
enhanced after the 1806 crushing defeat of Prussia itself and then to spread in 
parallel with the rise and territorial gains of Prussia after the Vienna 
Congress. Heinrich Spoerl's son Alexander Spoerl "de:Memoiren eines 
mittelmäßigen Schülers" (Memories of a Mediocre Student) describes and 
satirises the role of the formational systems in the Prussian Rhine Province 
during the early 20th century, in a famous novel of 1950, dedicated to Libertas 
Schulze-Boysen.

While the Russian Empire was among the most reactionary regimes with regard to 
common education, the German ruling class in Estonia and Latvia managed to 
introduce the system there under Russian rule.[29][30] The Prussian principles 
were adopted by the governments in Norway and Sweden to create the basis of the 
primary (grundskola) and secondary (gymnasium) schools across Scandinavia. 
Unlike in Prussia, the Swedish system aimed to expand even secondary schooling 
to the peasants and workers. As well in Finland, then a Russian grand duchy 
with a strong Swedish elite, the system was adopted. Education and the 
propagation of the national epic, the Kalevala, was crucial for the Finnish 
nationalist Fennoman movement. The Finnish language achieved equal legal status 
with Swedish in 1892. France and the UK failed until the 1880s to introduce 
compulsory education, France due to conflicts between a radical secular state 
and the Catholic Church. In Scotland, local church-controlled schools were 
replaced by a state system in 1872. In England and Wales, the government 
started to subsidise schooling in 1833, various measures followed till a local 
School Boards were set up under the Forster Act of 1870, local School Boards 
providing free (taxpayer financed) and compulsory schooling were made universal 
in England and Wales by the Act of 1891, schooling having been made compulsory 
by the Act of 1880. However, unlike Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union, both 
private schools and education by means other than schooling remained legal in 
the United Kingdom.

United StatesEdit

Early 19th-century American educators were also fascinated by German 
educational trends. In 1818, John Griscom gave a favorable report of Prussian 
education. English translations were made of French philosopher Victor Cousin's 
work, Report on the State of Public Education in Prussia. Calvin E. Stowe, 
Henry Barnard, Horace Mann, George Bancroft and Joseph Cogswell all had a 
vigorous interest in German education. The Prussian approach was used for 
example in the Michigan Constitution of 1835, which fully embraced the Prussian 
system by introducing a range of primary schools, secondary schools, and the 
University of Michigan itself, all administered by the state and supported with 
tax-based funding. However, the concepts in the Prussian reforms of primordial 
education, Bildung and its close interaction of education, society and 
nation-building are in conflict with some aspects of American state-sceptical 
libertarian thinking.[31]

In 1843, Mann traveled to Germany to investigate how the educational process 
worked. Upon his return to the United States, he lobbied heavily to have the 
"Prussian model" adopted.[12] In 1852, Mann was instrumental in the decision to 
adopt the Prussian education system in Massachusetts. Governor Edward Everett 
of Massachusetts instituted a mandatory education policy based on the 
system.[32] Mann persuaded his fellow modernizers, especially those in his Whig 
Party, to legislate tax-supported elementary public education in their states. 
New York state soon set up the same method in 12 different schools on a trial 
basis. Most northern states adopted one version or another of the system he 
established in Massachusetts, especially the program for "normal schools" to 
train professional teachers.[33]

Americans were especially impressed with the Prussian system when they set up 
normal schools to train teachers because they admired the German emphasis on 
social cohesion. That led to the establishment and proliferation of common 
schools (referred to as" factory model schools" by some 20th and 21st century 
authors). During the 20th century, however, the progressive education movement 
emphasized individuality and creativity more and opted for a less 
European-inspired curriculum and lower social cohesion and uniformity.[34] The 
Progressives faced a major setback with the Sputnik crisis, which led again to 
more focus on quality education and selectiveness of the school system.[35] The 
derogatory use of the term may contrast 19th-century pedagogy (see the 
poisonous pedagogy debate in Germany) with the introduction of new technology 
into classrooms during the Information Age. While Joel Rose appreciates Mann's 
commitment to a public education but is aiming at renewing how to deliver 
it,[35] authors like Conservative Party of New York State activist John Taylor 
Gatto and further home-schooling activist Sheldon Richman claim that illiteracy 
rates in the US were lower before compulsory schooling was introduced.[36]

Policy borrowing and exchange

The basic concept of a state-oriented and administered mass educational system 
is still not granted in the English-speaking world, where either the role of 
the state as such or the role of state control specifically in education faces 
still (respectively again) considerable skepticism.[27] The actual process of 
"policy borrowing" between different educational systems has been rather 
complex and differentiated.[37] Mann himself had stressed in 1844 that the US 
should copy the positive aspects of the Prussian system but not adopt Prussia's 
obedience to the authorities.[38] One of the important differences is that in 
the German tradition, there is stronger reference to the state as an important 
principle, as introduced for example by Hegel's philosophy of the state, which 
is in opposition to the Anglo-American contract-based idea of the state.[39]

Drill and serfdomEdit

Current American critics of the Prussian system use purported Prussian drill 
and Prussian serfdom, actually predating 1807, as counterclaims against 
compulsory education.[40][41] However, slavery and the 17th-century Prussian 
drill, the latter introduced to America by Friedrich Wilhelm von Steuben during 
the American Revolutionary War,[42] were actually of much longer and continued 
influence on the US and its military than in Prussia itself.

Early Prussian reformers took major steps to abandon both serfdom and the line 
formation as early as 1807 and introduced mission-type tactics in the Prussian 
military in the same year. The latter enlarged freedom in execution of overall 
military strategies and had a major influence in the German and Prussian 
industrial culture, which profited from the Prussian reformers' introduction of 
greater economic freedom. The mission-type concept, which was kept by later 
German armed forces, required a high level of understanding, literacy (and 
intense training and education) at all levels and actively invited involvement 
and independent decision making by the lower ranks. Its intense interaction 
with the Prussian education system has led to the proverbial statement, "The 
battles of Königgrätz (1866) and Sedan (1870) have been decided by the Prussian 
primary teacher".[43]

Legacy of the Prussian system after the end of the monarchyEdit

In 1918, the Kingdom of Prussia became a republic. Socialist Konrad Haenisch, 
the first education minister (Kultusminister), denounced what he called the 
"demons of morbid subservience, mistrust, and lies" in secondary schools.[44] 
However, Haenisch's and other radical left approaches were rather short-lived. 
They failed to introduce an Einheitsschule, a one-size-fits-all unified secular 
comprehensive school, throughout Germany.[45]

The de:Weimarer Schulkompromiss (Weimar educational compromise) of 1919 
confirmed the tripartite Prussian system, ongoing church influence on 
education, and religion as a regular topic, and it allowed for peculiarities 
and individual influence of the German states, widely frustrating the ambitions 
of radical leftist educational reformers.[45] Still, Prussian educational 
expert de:Erich Hylla (1887–1976) provided various studies (with titles such as 
"School of Democracy") of the US education system for the Prussian government 
in the 1920s.[38] The Nazi government's 1933 Gleichschaltung did away with 
state's rights, church influence and democracy and tried to impose a unified 
totalitarian education system and a Nazi version of the Einheitsschule, with 
strong premilitary and antisemitic aspects.

Legacy of the Prussian System after 1945Edit

After 1945, the Weimar educational compromise again set the tone for the 
reconstruction of the state-specific educational system as laid out in the 
Prussian model. In 1946 the US occupation forces failed completely in their 
attempt to install comprehensive and secular schooling in the US Occupation 
Zone. This approach had been endorsed by High Commissioner John J. McCloy and 
was led by the high-ranking progressive education reformer Richard Thomas 
Alexander,[46] but it faced determined German resistance.[46] The fiercest 
defender of the originally Prussian tripartite concept and humanist educational 
tradition was archconservative Alois Hundhammer, a former Bavarian monarchist, 
devout Catholic enemy of the Nazis and (with regard to the individual statehood 
of Bavaria) firebrand anti-Prussian coauthor of the 1946 Constitution of 
Bavaria. Hundhammer, as soon as he was appointed Bavarian minister of Culture 
and Education, was quick to use the newly granted freedoms, attacking Alexander 
in radio speeches and raising rumors about Alexander's secularism, which led to 
parents' and teachers' associations expressing fears about a reduction in the 
quality of education.[47] Hundhammer involved Michael von Faulhaber, Archbishop 
of Munich, to contact New York Cardinal Francis J. Spellman, who intervened 
with the US forces; the reform attempts were abolished as soon as 1948.[47]

Current debates referring to the Prussian legacyEdit

The Prussian legacy of a mainly tripartite system of education with less 
comprehensive schooling and selection of children as early as the fourth grade 
has led to controversies that persist to the present.[48] It has been deemed to 
reflect 19th-century thinking along class lines.[49] One of the basic tenets of 
the specific Prussian system is expressed in the fact that education in Germany 
is, against the aim of the 19th-century national movement, not directed by the 
federal government. The individual states maintain Kulturhoheit (cultural 
predominance) on educational matters.

The Humboldt approach, a central pillar of the Prussian system and of German 
education to the present day, is still influential and being used in various 
discussions. The present German universities charge no or moderate tuition 
fees. They therefore lack the more lavish funds available for example to Ivy 
League universities in the US, which make possible a quality of education and 
research that enable academics and students to fully realize Humboldt's 
ideal.[50] The perceived lack of universities on the cutting edge in both 
research and education has been recently countered via the German Universities 
Excellence Initiative, which is mainly driven and funded at the federal level.

Germany still focuses on a broad Allgemeinbildung (both 'generic knowledge' and 
'knowledge for the common people') and provides an internationally recognized 
in-depth dual-track vocational education system, but leaves educational 
responsibility to individual states. The country faces ongoing controversies 
about the Prussian legacy of a stratified tripartite educational system versus 
Comprehensive schooling and with regard to the interpretation of the PISA 
studies.[51] Some German PISA critics opposed its utilitarian "value-for-money" 
competence approach, as being in conflict with teaching freedom, while German 
proponents of the PISA assessment referred to the practical usability of 
Humboldt's approach and the Prussian educational system derived from it.[23]

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The United States and Germany in the Era of the Cold War, 1945–1968, edited by 
Detlef Junker, vol. 1 (Cambridge: Publications of the German Historical 
Institute, 2004), pp. 394-400.
^ a b Zeitgeschichte Opfer der Umstände, Der Spiegel article from 1983 
referring to de:James F. Tent, Mission on the Rhine: reeducation and 
denazification in American-occupied Germany. Chicago : University of Chicago 
Press, 1982
 "CESifo Group Munich – Home". Cesifo-group.de. Retrieved July 1, 2013. 
 "German school system reflects nineteenth century". Justlanded.com. 
2007-06-19. Retrieved July 1, 2013. 
 Citation Needed
 PISA Under Examination: Changing Knowledge, Changing Tests, and Changing 
Schools, Miguel A. Pereyra, Hans-Georg Kotthoff, Robert Cowen Springer Science 
& Business Media, 24 March 2012
Further reading

Bott, Arthur. Prussia and the German System of Education
Cubberley, Ellwood Patterson. The History of Education: Educational Practice 
and Progress Considered as a Phase of the Development and Spread of Western 
Civilization (1920) online
Müller, Detlef, Fritz Ringer, and Brian Simon, eds. The rise of the modern 
educational system: structural change and social reproduction 1870–1920 
(Cambridge University Press, 1989).
Ramsay, Paul. "Toiling together for social cohesion: International influences 
on the development of teacher education in the United States," Paedagogica 
Historica (2014) 50#1 pp 109–122.
Ringer, Fritz. Education and Society in Modern Europe (1979); focus on Germany 
and France with comparisons to US and Britain
Sagarra, Eda. A Social History of Germany, 1648–1914 (1977) online
Soysal, Yasemin Nuhoglu, and David Strang. "Construction of the First Mass 
Education Systems in Nineteenth-Century Europe," Sociology of Education (1989) 
62#4 pp. 277–288 in JSTOR
Van Horn Melton, James. Absolutism and the eighteenth-century origins of 
compulsory schooling in Prussia and Austria (Cambridge University Press, 1988).
Primary sourcesEdit

Cubberley, Ellwood Patterson ed. Readings in the History of Education: A 
Collection of Sources and Readings to Illustrate the Development of Educational 
Practice, Theory, and Organization (1920) online pp 455–89, 634ff, 669ff


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