The Spectator


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Europe is a continent in crisis – where lo-vis people now wear high-vis jackets
Outside their prosperous cities, the hinterlands of France, Germany, Italy and 
beyond are hitting back
Christopher Caldwell<https://spectator.us/author/christopher-caldwell/>
[https://3h7pwd17k2h42n17eg2j7vdq-wpengine.netdna-ssl.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/01/GettyImages-1062726618.jpg?auto=compress,enhance,format&crop=faces,entropy,edges&fit=crop&w=730&h=486]

Christopher Caldwell<https://spectator.us/author/christopher-caldwell/>

3 January 2019

7:34 AM

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The ‘yellow vest’ protests against President Emmanuel Macron that swept through 
Paris and other French cities last month have evoked overwhelming sympathy: 77 
percent considered them justified, according to a poll for Le Figaro.


Even after Macron offered a budget-busting package of concessions to appease 
his critics, it was hard to silence the lacerating self-examination one 
undergoes after a soured romance: God, what was I thinking? Today, France’s 
café-goers wonder aloud how they could have voted so overwhelmingly two years 
ago for a president whom they disliked and disagreed with even at the time.


The simple answer is that Macron was running against Marine Le Pen, whose 
party, now called the National Rally, is a haven for the global economy’s 
déclassés. The more complicated answer is ‘Condorcet’s paradox’, named after 
the 18th-century marquis, philosopher, legislator, abolitionist and theorist of 
probability. Condorcet demonstrated that in any election that involves at least 
three people, as French multi-round contests do, the public’s real preference 
can be impossible to determine. People might like Mr Smith better than Mr 
Jones, Mr Jones better than Mr Brown, and Mr Brown better than Mr Smith — 
leaving the majority feeling cheated.


This May’s European elections, set to pit Macron’s Brussels-defending 
‘establishment’ against the ‘ferment’ of Le Pen and various men-on-the-street, 
are a good bet to be the kind of election Condorcet would recognize. A recent 
poll found 30 percent of the public think well of Le Pen and 69 percent think 
ill of her. You might consider such numbers unimpressive. But in the present 
climate they make Le Pen the most popular major politician in the country, with 
twice the support Macron has.


Le Pen is skeptical of immigration, and European politics is still mostly about 
immigration. Matteo Salvini, Italy’s interior minister and the most successful 
politician in Europe right now, is successful because he stopped the 
trafficking of African migrants in their hundreds of thousands from the Maghreb 
to the shores of Sicily. The traffickers have since moved their operations 
west, egged on by the grandstanding mayors of Spain’s coastal cities. Thus was 
the Spanish socialist party (PSOE) ousted from its impregnable-looking 
stronghold in Andalusia a few weeks ago. A new anti-immigration party, Vox, 
took 11 percent of the vote.

Anti-immigration and 
populist<https://spectator.us/populist-surge-elections-eu/> politicians are 
like other politicians. They succeed not because voters are distracted but 
because they are attentive. This is even true of Donald Trump, who on the 
surface appears to have done little (and in terms of legislation has done 
literally nothing) for the people who elected him. And yet he can be credited 
with a lot of things that didn’t happen. In December, Trump didn’t sign the UN 
refugee pact greeted with such fanfare by Macron and others. Described as a 
mere ‘cooperative framework’ to lay down certain non-political principles, it 
is — as the activists who worked so doggedly to pass it well understood — an 
invitation to activist judges in the richer countries to order more liberal 
immigration policies. On reflection, the populist leaders not just of Italy but 
also of Hungary, Austria, Bulgaria, Czechia, Poland and Slovakia decided they 
felt the same way as Trump.


If you live in a cosmopolitan city, you will wonder why such politicians aren’t 
immediately voted from office, or outright removed for malpractice — because 
you are unlikely to know a single person who thinks this way. The yellow vest 
protesters do think this way. They may even be a majority. They have to wear 
hi-vis vests because they are lo-vis people.


What is going on now is rather like the reverse of what happened in 1968 when 
Charles de Gaulle summoned la France profonde to resist a revolution that began 
in Paris. But the yellow-vest movement is one of class, not geography. It is 
run by people remote from the global economy’s supply chains and the places 
those who control them congregate. Chic Montpellier and high-tech Toulouse are 
not, in this sense, remote, any more than Oxford and Cambridge are. A reliable 
journalist’s rule for finding populists is that any place you’d go for a 
holiday or a meal is probably not the place to look.


A Parisian friend describes her parents’ centuries-old village, charming and 
cosy 25 years ago, today stripped of its post office and all its shops except 
one crummy boulangerie, and abandoned by all but a handful of geriatrics. The 
major recreation for these old people is to drive 10km to the nearest motorway 
exit to drink a hot chocolate at a Carrefour.


It was not the yellow-vest marchers who did this to small-town Europe. Nor have 
they been responsible for most of the mayhem in Paris, despite the assiduous 
efforts of politicians to link them to it: that has been the work of 
opportunistic anti-globalist radicals and youth from the suburban housing 
projects.

So why have almost all of the smaller cities in France, Italy and eastern 
Germany been emptied of their natives and their businesses? It has been easy to 
find articles about the failure of populist movements (including Brexit) over 
the past few months, all of them written from Europe’s prosperous major cities. 
But those cities’ prosperity has been built on transformation of the 
hinterland’s economy. A more accurate word would be dismantling: outside the 
charmed global-economy hubs, Europe is dying. You can see the same thing in 
Sweden that you will see in Hungary. As the French geographer Christophe 
Guilluy puts it, ‘There is not a single model that works.’


New Year’s Day marked the 20th anniversary of the introduction of the euro (the 
listed currency, not the coins) on January 1 1999. Did you notice how joyously 
people celebrated it? You didn’t? Twenty years: that’s exactly how long it has 
been since Italy has had any significant growth. What a coincidence. What do 
you think happened in 1999 that did Italy such harm? The release of Ricky 
Martin’s ‘Livin’ La Vida Loca’?

This year’s European elections threaten to be a Condorcet paradox, a source of 
ambiguity and dissatisfaction. Come May, we might well discover that people 
prefer the globalized society to the old days, the old days to the populists’ 
vision, and the populists’ vision to the globalized society.

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