National Review

Anti-Christian Ideology Is an Emerging Aspect of White Progressive Populism
By David French <https://www.nationalreview.com/author/david-french/>

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  *   <https://www.nationalreview.com/author/david-french/>
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  *   <https://www.nationalreview.com/author/david-french/>

January 21, 2019





One of the hallmarks of populism is that it rarely represents mass mobilization 
simply for the people. It’s also typically mass mobilization against an 
opposing force — whether it’s the hated elite or the despised “other.” The 
for/against dynamic is inherent to some degree in all of politics, but 
mobilization against other people as a group is a core component of the 
populist enterprise.


Take, for example, old-school southern populism. Yes, there was a powerful 
economic component, often centered around government-sponsored economic 
development. But white southern populism was also focused directly and 
intentionally against black southerners. Despite the fact that they lived and 
work alongside southern whites, they were still the “other.” They were still 
the threat.


Much ink has been spilled analyzing Trump’s populism. And the for/against 
dynamic on the right is alive and well. If Trump’s appeal were based mainly 
around his calls for tariffs, his desire to retreat from the Middle East, or 
even his immigration restrictionism, he likely would have crashed and burned in 
the general election. Each of those positions is contentious within the 
Republican community, much less the nation at large.

Instead, his core appeal is built around his combativeness. He can flip from 
position to position — govern as a traditional Republican in 2017 and then 
shift to economic populism and military withdrawal in 2018 — but so long as he 
fights the common enemy, he retains his hold on the base.


Less ink, however, has been spilled analyzing the combative side of progressive 
populism. We know what progressive populists are for — Medicare for All, the 
Green New Deal, etc. — but who are they fundamentally against? Yes, of course 
it’s Donald Trump. But progressive populism existed before Trump, and it will 
exist after him.



I’d submit that at least one of the common enemies — especially for white 
progressives — is conservative Christians. As I wrote earlier this 
month<https://www.nationalreview.com/2019/01/as-religious-separation-increases-religious-bigotry-will-abound/>,
 attacks on conservative Christians are certainly popular in some quarters of 
the Left, but now I also fear they’re populist — they can help animate a mass 
movement.

The combination of ignorance, fear, and hatred wielded against conservative 
Christians in progressive quarters is disturbing. Just in this new year, we’ve 
seen two progressive senators aggressively question a Christian judicial 
nominee because of his membership in a mainstream Catholic service 
organization, we’ve seen a days-long attack on Karen Pence for teaching 
part-time at a Christian ministry, and we watched a stunning online feeding 
frenzy against students at a Catholic boys’ school based on a misleadingly 
clipped video segment of a much longer confrontation.


Moreover, we just concluded a Supreme Court term in which progressive 
governments attempted to erode the constitutional firewall against compelled 
speech by attempting to compel Christians to advance messages they found 
immoral. California attempted to compel pro-life pregnancy centers to advertise 
free or low-cost abortions. Colorado attempted to compel a man to custom-design 
a cake for a gay wedding.

And along with each of these events we’ve seen tens of thousands of words of 
commentary declaring Christians bigoted and hateful — often based on 
condescending claims of hypocrisy premised on sheer ignorance of Christian 
theology and tradition. For example, how many times must Christians hear from 
know-it-all commentators that they can’t possibly be credited for their sincere 
religious beliefs unless they fully apply all elements of Jewish Levitical law?


Who can forget the avatar of progressive populism himself, Bernie Sanders, in 
2017 aggressively grilling a 
nominee<https://www.nationalreview.com/corner/watch-bernie-sanders-unconstitutionally-impose-religious-test-public-office/>
 for the Office of Management and Budget over his theological views on the 
differences between the Christian and Muslim faith? He actually said that the 
nominee was “not someone who this country is supposed to be about.” And of 
course Dianne Feinstein famously 
rebuked<https://www.washingtonpost.com/video/politics/feinstein-the-dogma-lives-loudly-within-you-and-thats-a-concern/2017/09/07/04303fda-93cb-11e7-8482-8dc9a7af29f9_video.html?utm_term=.f34dc561ffdb>
 Trump judicial nominee Amy Coney Barrett by declaring that the “dogma lives 
loudly within you, and that’s a concern.”

This week, in response to my defense of Christian education (I attended a 
Christian college, sent my three kids to a Christian school, and served as the 
chairman of the school board of their school), an activist started an “Expose 
Christian Schools” hashtag designed to elicit stories of the terrible things 
Christian educators do.

Yes, there are bad people who attend and teach at Christian schools, but I find 
it interesting when anecdotes about Christians abuses are illuminating, but 
anecdotes about, say, illegal immigrant crime are by definition racist and 
illegitimate. Or, if you want to see grotesque stereotyping in action, look no 
farther than this viral tweet from — you guessed it — a BuzzFeed writer:


These stories represent a partial list of the political and legal attacks on 
Christian free exercise and — just as importantly — traditional, orthodox 
Christianity itself. I spent most of my career litigating in campuses from 
coast to coast, often to simply preserve the right of Christian student groups 
to pray and worship in empty classrooms.


When large majorities of Americans oppose your party or stand outside your 
culture, the natural human tendency is to ask, “What’s wrong with them?” I’ve 
seen this for years in the Republican response to the reality that overwhelming 
majorities of black Americans vote Democratic. At worst there’s hostility. 
Sometimes there is condescending sympathy: “They’re misguided. They’re voting 
against their interests. They’re brainwashed.” Less often is there respect and 
reflection. If a vital member of the American community is that united against 
us, should we consider whether any aspect of that opposition is our fault?

One striking feature of left-wing hostility to conservative Christianity is its 
insistence that opposition to secular progressive morality is proof of malign 
intent. Instead of asking whether progressive intolerance (or the selection of 
a corrupt Democratic candidate) played any part in the 81 percent white 
Evangelical opposition to Hillary Clinton, all too many progressives use that 
level of united opposition as grounds for further hatred. And, yes, there’s 
also the condescending sympathy: “They’re brainwashed by Fox. They’re voting 
against their interests.”


Last summer I wrote an essay called the Great White Culture 
War<https://www.nationalreview.com/2018/08/great-white-culture-war-race-political-divides/>.
 In it, I argued that a great deal of America’s political division isn’t just 
explained by the division between white Americans and racial minorities — there 
are also immense cultural divisions within “white America” itself. And in few 
areas are those cultural divisions more stark than in religious belief. 
According to Pew Research Center 
data<https://www.nationalreview.com/2018/05/democrats-god-religion-gap/>, 72 
percent of white Republicans believe in the God of the Bible. Only 32 percent 
of white Democrats share that belief. That’s a stunning gap, especially 
considering the historical dominance of the Christian faith in the United 
States.


70 
<https://www.nationalreview.com/2019/01/anti-christian-ideology-is-an-emerging-aspect-of-white-progressive-populism/#>

Our culture war is also a religious conflict, and that means progressive 
populism will almost certainly continue to trend against conservative 
Christianity. And as this happens, it will be increasingly difficult to confine 
our differences to the political realm. The fear and loathing will extend to 
individuals. It will mean more attempts to destroy lives and limit individual 
liberty. And when it does, our divide will only grow.

Hostility to traditional, orthodox Christianity is no longer confined to the 
white progressive elite. It’s now popular in the white Left. Liberal elites who 
attack traditional Christian beliefs and express contempt for traditional 
Christians aren’t demonstrating their disconnect from America, they’re giving 
their constituents exactly what they want.



© 2019 National Review

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