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Professor Laurence H. Tribe, Harvard School of Law, is about as far left as 
one can get, but unlike his colleague, Dershowitz, he honors the 
Constitution. And he is considered by many, me included, as one of the 
foremost, if not the leading authority on the Constitution in this nation. He 
even contends that the Second Amendment is what it is supposed to be, the 
Right to Keep and Bear Arms. This is his analysis of the Saturday Morning 
affair in Miami. Maybe it's time we start flying our flags upside down - the 
international distress signal.

Sterling

New York Times
April 25, 2000
Justice Taken Too Far
By LAURENCE H. TRIBE
 

Some are wildly comparing the armed seizure of Eli�n Gonz�lez to the roundup 
of innocents by the Gestapo. Others think Attorney General Janet Reno showed 
admirable patience in dealing with a group of zealots using the boy as a pawn 
in its war with Fidel Castro. 

But the partisan squabbling over these caricatured views threatens to obscure 
a vital question: Where did the attorney general derive the legal authority 
to invade that Miami home in order to seize the child? 

The fact is, even on the assumption (which I share) that under applicable 
legal and moral principles Eli�n should ultimately be reunited with his 
father, the government's actions appear to have violated a basic principle of 
our society, a principle whose preservation lies at the core of ordered 
liberty under the rule of law. 

Under the Constitution, it is axiomatic that the executive branch has no 
unilateral authority to enter people's homes forcibly to remove innocent 
individuals without taking the time to seek a warrant or other order from a 
judge or magistrate (absent the most extraordinary need to act). Not only the 
Fourth Amendment but also well-established constitutional principles of 
family privacy require that the disinterested judiciary test the correctness 
of the executive branch's claimed right to enter and seize. 

Although a federal court had ordered that Eli�n not be removed from the 
country pending a determination of his asylum petition, and although a court 
had ruled that the Immigration and Naturalization Service could exercise 
custody and control of Eli�n for the time being, no judge or neutral 
magistrate had issued the type of warrant or other authority needed for the 
executive branch to break into the home to seize the child. The agency had no 
more right to do so than any parent who has been awarded custody would have a 
right to break and enter for such a purpose. Indeed, the I.N.S. had not even 
secured a judicial order, as opposed to a judicially unreviewed 
administrative one, compelling the Miami relatives to turn Eli�n over. 

The Justice Department points out that the agents who stormed the Miami home 
were armed not only with guns but with a search warrant. But it was not a 
warrant to seize the child. Eli�n was not lost, and it is a semantic sleight 
of hand to compare his forcible removal to the seizure of evidence, which is 
what a search warrant is for. 

To be sure, our courts have allowed immigration officials to obtain areawide 
warrants to search workplaces for illegal aliens, and Congress has by statute 
empowered immigration officials to search, interrogate and arrest people 
without warrants in order to prevent unlawful entry into the country. But no 
one suspects that Eli�n is here illegally. 

In fact, it's hard to see any significant immigration-related or other 
federal interest in whether Eli�n was reunited with his father now or after 
asylum is denied (if that is the outcome). And, should asylum be granted, 
Eli�n's father might still be granted custody and could then take the boy to 
Cuba with him if he so chose; asylum only means permission to stay in the 
United States and is not a requirement to stay. 

Either way, Ms. Reno's decision to take the law as well as the child into her 
own hands seems worse than a political blunder. Even if well intended, her 
decision strikes at the heart of constitutional government and shakes the 
safeguards of liberty. 

Laurence H. Tribe is a professor of constitutional law at Harvard. 
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