Ass. WW., Dusanak nan berminat, silahkan taruih mambaco ulasan Amien Rais didepan USINDO Society (Organisasi para mantan pejabat US-Embassy dan pengusaha AS di Indonesia) Wass duta ____________________________________________________________________ Get free email and a permanent address at http://www.netaddress.com/?N=1
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Assalamu 'alaikum, Hidayatullah Netters yang berbahagia
Di bawah ini saya forwardkan email kiriman dari intelektual muda Eep
Saefulloh Fatah yang berisi transkrip pidato dan diskusi Amien Rais di
Amerika Serikat belum lama ini.
Selamat menyimak.
Wassalam,
Saiful Hamiwanto
From: "Eep Fatah" <fatah.1@...>
Reply-To: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
To: <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
Subject: [imsa] Diskusi Amien Rais di USINDO
Date: Wed, 1 Nov 2000 21:51:46 -0800
Assalamu'alaikum wr. wb.,
Saya kirim untuk rekan-rekan di IMSA pidato dan transkrip diskusi Pak Amien
Rais di USINDO. Saya kira, manfaat informasi ini akan berlipat dengan
tersebar ke rekan-rekan yang selama ini sangat concern dengan banyak isu
yang dibahas.
Wassalam,
Eep Saefulloh Fatah
Address by The Hon. M. Amien Rais
--------------------------------------
Chairman, People's Consultative Assembly
Republic of Indonesia
delivered at the US-Indonesia Society (USINDO)
in Washington, D.C. on 30 October 2000
Mr. Chairman, ladies and gentlemen,
It is a pleasure and honor for me to deliver another address at USINDO,
after an absence of more than one year. I note that you have elected a new
Chairman, Mr. Paul Cleveland, to succeed Ed Masters, one of Indonesia's
long-term friends. USINDO plays an important role in maintaining and
enhancing relationships between Indonesia and the U.S., and we hope this
will continue under the new Administration.
I would like to divide my remarks today into two parts: an evaluation of the
situation today, as I see it; and my personal views how Indonesia should
break out of its debilitating problems.
First of all, I disagree with the view that Indonesia is falling apart or
that the Reformasi Movement has failed. Most analysts are suffering from
the same syndrome: churning out conclusions based on the latest information
that is sequentially delivered by CNN or other instant sources. In the old
days, information arrived slowly, giving time for digestion and rumination
for what is hoped to be a wise decision. Time gives perspective, and
perspective gives wisdom. But these days, conclusions are drawn based on
the latest electronic information, as if governments were to be judged by
quarterly results!
What I am suggesting is that the last two years should be seen in contrast
to the previous 30 or even 60 years. We should see Indonesia as undergoing
a transition period following 30 years of suppression, dictatorship and
abuse of power. Lifting the lid off Soeharto's simmering pot allows steam
to blow out, excess brew to overflow, exposing the rotten bones at the
bottom. The situation is so bad, that, to borrow your expression, it may be
worth it to throw the baby out with the bath water!
As you well know, after May 1998 we na�vely thought the Reformasi Movement
would solve all of Indonesia's ills. Little did we know that our task was
actually to "re-invent" the government of Indonesia. This includes
redefining the role of the military, amending the Constitution, implementing
regional autonomy, reestablishing the rule of law, strengthening the
institutions, establishing the various freedoms and human rights, etc.
Obviously, this restructuring is not technically easy, nor is it supported
by all segments of society. The so-called "status quo forces"include people
whose vested interests are threatened.
Despite the difficulties, I feel that we are actually dealing with the
structural problems head on. We have to deal with the Aceh and Papua Irian
Jaya issues--which threaten Indonesia's territorial integrity--, economic
collapse, and massive banking frauds. We seem to be bumbling along, but
actually we are learning, and learning very fast. We even learned that we
have a weak Presidential institution, and thus we must discuss ways to
strengthen it. Can you imagine, that 5 years ago, I was almost jailed for
suggesting that there should be a successor to Soeharto? It is the exposure
of the problems, reported in the free media, that gives rise to the sense
that there is no government any more, and no central power to deliver
solutions. This, strangely enough, is the cost of democracy and
transparency, and we must have the strength and responsibility to continue
this historical process.
We must continue to remind ourselves that Indonesia is the fourth most
populous nation in the world, with 200 million people, that it is just as
wide as Continental U.S., with three time zones, that it occupies strategic
shipping routes, and that it is blessed with various natural resources,
including oil, minerals, forests, fish, land, and of course, most
importantly a peace-loving people in search of better welfare. We should
not be distracted by the day-to-day problems, but we should focus on the
task of rebuilding the nation. Didn't America take 200 years to build? We
have only had 55 years, and 50 of those have not been fully utilized.
Ladies and gentlemen,
All leaders have homework assignments. I can tick off 3 major problems for
Indonesia:
1. Weak government.
2. Threat of internal security and disintegration.
3. Incorrect economic policies.
Effective Government
No nation can function without an effective government. And a government
needs a leader, more so in Indonesia where the patriarchial society is still
the rule. Currently we have a leader who does not provide clear objectives
and is gradually losing the people's trust and his legitimacy. We have to
sort out this internal problem, and I am confident that our system can deal
with it, just as we successfully dealt with the succession issues after the
fall of Soeharto.
We need an Effective Government, one that announces realistic targets, takes
action, and delivers the targets. We should not have a government that
wants to instantly eradicate KKN-corruption, collusion and nepotism-,
because this cannot be achieved and we will just lose credibility. If we
can just achieve 15% improvement annually for the first 3 years, it would be
a great achievement.
An Effective Government needs to focus people's energy on the future, not on
searching analyses or blame for the past. We will need to create programs
similar to South Africa's Truth and Reconciliation Act, and this may include
amnesty for tax or other violations as well.
An Effective Government needs to revamp the legal system, because if we do
not enforce laws, all our policies will not be properly implemented and we
will not be able to monitor the effectiveness of our programs. This
necessitates a commitment to be disciplined and ruthless, and we will need
to make examples of some blatant violators of the law in order to serve as a
warning to future potential violators.
An Effective Government needs to have a clear and united voice in facing the
new global challenges. It must be clever to defend the interests of its
constituents. As you know, politics are often conjoined with economics and
business. We must balance the needs of globalization and the desire of
Indonesians to build its domestic economy and have a clear national
industrial policy. Am I not right that even now Japan, the European Union
and the U.S. are still protecting their domestic agricultural markets? Why
shouldn't Indonesia study the parallels?
An Effective Government must take action. Real action. Any action. The
action must be announced and reasonable targets are met. This is the only
way for us to attract foreign investment. Of course, we must satisfy the
first two fundamental requirements: political stability and security as well
as the rule of law. But investors are willing to take the risks if they see
that a strong government is taking steps to establish investor confidence in
these two areas. Right now, they do not have confidence in the executive
branch, nor do they see that real action is being taken. Part of the
problem is that we have not had decision-making executives in government.
Bureaucrats are traditionally pen-pushers who are afraid to make mistakes
and are just waiting for instructions from the top. This must change, and
we must have the courage to invite private sector executives to run the
sensitive posts in government.
Territorial Integrity
I don't have to repeat to you that this is vital. We already have suffered
through the invasion of East Timor as well as the withdrawal from it. The
claims of our brothers and sisters in Aceh and Papua Irian Jaya are real.
They are the results of mishandled policies under Soeharto and continuing
even under the present government.
I do not have the information with which to suggest solutions. We would
need good intelligence reports, direct dialogue with the people, and
mediation attempts at all levels to heal the nation. Why should we accept
that brother should slay brother, that neighbor should kill neighbor? What
principles are we trying to defend? I know war may be necessary-you did
this in the Civil War-but war can also be an unending quagmire, as we saw in
Vietnam and other places. Can Indonesia risk a Vietnam-type attrition
warfare? On the other hand, can it allow an arm and a leg to be cut off?
This is the gut decision a leader needs to make, and I am afraid the current
government is unable to make a crisp decision and execute it.
As an Indonesian, as a nationalist, I do not wish Indonesia to be flung
apart into 27 provinces. We do have a common history, for which we should
thank the colonial powers, and we would like to maintain that territorial
identity which we have inherited. I should not forget that the last piece
of Indonesia, Irian Jaya, was added in 1962 thanks to the intervention of
the United States. Should we now sit still while our Nation, our Tanah Air,
our Land and Water, is being dismembered? How easy it is to destroy, that
which took centuries to build!
Economic Rebuilding
On this, I do not wish to go into technicalities. My thoughts are basically
like these:
We have not had the proper economic policies even under Soeharto. Classic
economic theories measure economic development through numbers and indices.
The assumption is that the economic engine is working fine if one can watch
the dials and measure the input and output. But is the engine efficient?
Is it producing the right kind of products?
Here lies the weakness of the Soeharto program:
The dials were fake. Companies routinely published fraudulent financial
statements, audited by seemingly respectable accountants, passed on by
respectable notaries and lawyers. Thus, collateral would be pledged several
times, companies expanded using equity which is actually borrowed money.
The phenomena were known to all but they were allowed to continue as long as
everyone did not blow the whistle. The result, as we all know, is the
collapse of the Indonesian economy as borrowed money fled the system.
The products were inappropriate. Whereas we should have built rural
infrastructure, as America did in building farm market roads, canals, etc.,
we concentrated on giant projects where the mark-up would be the highest and
the import components were greatest. At least $2 billion was spent in
building an aerospace industry, and it all came to naught! This is a
crime, if we think that the money could have been spent on scholarships and
medical facilities!
Thus I do not believe that the economy should be run by technical
economists. Instead it should be run by what I call an "economic engineer",
who can reconstruct the correct approach. I have just read that the Russian
economy is now being run well under a young man who understands how to
overhaul the system after the IMF failure.
I believe that if we have the time and indulgence of other friendly nations,
we can do something good with our economy. The results would be so
spectacular as to dwarf all our current problems, such as the worth of the
assets held by IBRA, the bank liquidity credit scams, etc. For this, we may
need a kind of Marshall program, either from the U.S. or the E.U. Or, we
will simply have to go through a forced recession in order to save the core
of our economy, and rebuild from there.
Ladies and gentlemen,
Time is limited and I am sure you have many questions.
In closing, let me just clarify that I am not anti America, nor anti this
nor anti that. The New York Times Sunday magazine of yesterday just had a
wonderful article called "Mediathon." It shows that the media through its
frenzy to satisfy the need to deliver marketable products must create
figures and myths. You can say I am a victim. My thoughts are chopped up
and only the most damaging quotes are made, normally relating to my
so-called fundamentalism, inconsistency, ambition, etc. Nothing is farther
from the truth.
I went to school here, I benefit from the learning, I have many American
friends. What I am doing is trying to do my best to apply what I have
learned, something that at least the Notre Dame University and the
University of Chicago would be proud of. Obviously I am not following a
standard formula. But who is? Al Gore or George Bush Jr. needs to do his
thing, I need to do my thing. But for the sake of our countries, let us not
be misled into an escalation of threats and distrust. No doubt there have
been unwise remarks by some Indonesians, and no doubt there have been
unnecessary remarks by some Americans. Let's call that democracy, open
communications, good neighborliness. While we continue to bicker about the
fence, let us continue to lend the sugar back and forth across the fence.
Thank you for your time.
Discussion
-----------
USINDO Brief: We are pleased to send you the following report of a recent
program in our Open Forum Series, periodic meetings with prominent
Indonesian
speakers to discuss current events in their country.
USINDO OPEN FORUM with H.E. Amien Rais, Chairman, People's Consultative
Assembly (MPR) October 30, 2000, Washington, D.C. This meeting was sponsored
by Institutional Reform and the Informal Sector (IRIS), University of
Maryland.
Amien Rais, with a reputation for speaking bluntly on public issues, gave a
USINDO audience a critical evaluation of Indonesia's situation at the moment
that defended the halting progress toward democracy but placed most of the
blame on shortcomings to a "weak presidency" and the particular faults of
the
incumbent, President Abdurrahman Wahid (Gus Dur). The full text of his
prepared remarks is contained in an attachment.
His remarks repeatedly called for an activist government with clearly
defined
goals and vigorous enforcement. Specifically, his recommendations included:
� Some progress in the reduction of corruption, but a focus on the future
rather than the past. This might allow for some amnesties for tax
violations
and the like, but there is a need for some enforcement: to "make examples of
some blatant violators of the laws."
� The need for a "united voice in facing global challenges" that balances
the needs of globalization versus the "desire of Indonesia to build its
economy" including a "national industrial policy"
� More decisive government and bureaucrats. He recommended having "private
sector leaders to run sensitive posts" in government.
� The threat of disintegration is the most serious of Indonesia's problems.
The grievances in Irian Jaya and Aceh are real, and the fault of Soeharto's
policies. "I do not have the information to suggest solutions," but "the
current government is unable to make a crisp decision and execute it."
� The economy should not be run by technocrats, but by "economic
engineers." The economists in the Soeharto era permitted a false prosperity
in which the numbers looked good but masked illegal practices that led to
the crash of 1997. "Maybe we will need a Marshall Plan program from the
United States or the European Union, or a forced recession to rebuild the
economy."
� Restoring cordial, neighborly U.S.-Indonesian relations, which have
deteriorated in recent weeks. "I'm not anti-America.. I'm a victim" because
"my thoughts are chopped up and only the most damaging quotes" are repeated.
"No doubt there have been some unwise remarks from Indonesians, and some
unnecessary remarks from Americans..While we bicker about the fence, let us
continue to lend the sugar back and forth," he said.
The discussion period lasted nearly one hour and brought many pointed
questions from the audience. The following is paraphrased from the question
and answer period.
Q: You were quoted by the Indonesian journal Detik as saying that Zionism
and its agents in Asia are responsible for the conflicts in Aceh. With
respect,
I treat this as a fundamental question of credibility.
A. I distinguish between Judaism and Zionism. Judaism is one of the three
revealed religions, according to the Koran, and is to be respected. It
differs with Zionism. I don't have solid proof of external forces shaking
the stability of Aceh and Papua, but my intuition tells me something is
wrong. When I referred to 'some Malay agents of international Zionism' I
was telling the people of Indonesia to be alert.
Q. The Laskar Jihad is terrorizing Christian villages in Saparua (in
Maluku). You talk about problems in Irian but don't mention Maluku. The
military will not solve the problems there. Could you as a leader help to
solve them?
A. I was a target of criticism because I said maybe Indonesia needs moral
intervention from Washington to stop the bloodshed. I was accused of losing
my nationalism. I am frustrated and despondent; both Muslims and Christians
have committed some crimes. Why are they still going on? Because my
central
government has not given enough attention to solving the problem. Maybe
your statement will strengthen me to speak out.
Q. What moral intervention do you want from the U.S.? What kind of
relationship are you looking for?
A. I want the relationship to improve and be free of misunderstandings.
Our
future lies in good relations with you. I am not flattering; it's not
cosmetic politics. We cannot escape reality: you are the superpower. I
don't want to see the relationship based on a short-term vision.
Q: Where would you take Indonesia if you had the power to do so?
A. In a nutshell, I want a strong and respectable Indonesia. I want to
join
the international community as a normal, strong democracy. We don't want to
repeat old mistakes again. We are committed to democracy. I know it is
difficult because it requires a different mental attitude, but we must do
it.
We are not going to build an Islamic state. I don't want this
never-ending
argument; we should stick to Pancasila and that's it. Some Indonesians call
for an Islamic state but we can ignore them, because most want a secular,
democratic sate.
Q. What would you do to strengthen education toward a better democracy?
A. If I were President at least 20 percent of the budget would go for
education instead of the current three percent. We need a diversity of
knowledge. We should send young people to Europe, Japan, Australia, the
U.S.
and to Eastern Europe and other parts of the world so when they return we
have rich resources of experience. We need to cultivate moral education in
Indonesia. The elites have no commitment to the little people.
Q. Specifically what do you recommend in Aceh and Irian?
A. I have two priorities. We must bring criminals who have committed human
rights abuses to court. And we must not waste any time in moving ahead to
improve the economies in those provinces.
Q. What are your comments on the new government [greater duties to Vice
President Megawati and a new cabinet] instituted as a result of the MPR
session of August?
A. I have a simple theory. We need a grand coalition government.. I think
the first cabinet was better because it included all elements. The quality
dropped in the second cabinet because it was not based on policy but narrow
considerations. This is clear to everyone. Our Minister of Finance is not
able to do his job. He didn't pass the fit and proper test to head a
government-owned bank. The Minister of Defense is unqualified. He said we
should have a defense pact with India, China, etc. This is an amateurish
Minister of Defense.
Q. How has the disposition of assets of IBRA (Indonesian Bank Restructuring
Agency) been working? Investors are interested in assets but nothing is
happening.
A. I know IBRA is handled in a very amateurish manner and did not achieve
its goal. It has become a field for growing corruption. Up to now it's a
hopeless case but there is some hope if IBRA is in the hands of
professionals. We have to learn from other nations how they overcome these
kinds of problems, but so far there has been no willingness to learn from
others.
Q. Most Constitutional reforms were deferred in the last MPR session. What
are the prospects, including the direct election of presidents?
A. I think the amendments are going along well. The MPR meets every year,
so additional amendments can be made until 2004. Hopefully by then most
issues will be settled. On direct elections, I am optimistic but one big
political party does not agree [Megawati's PDI-P]. I hope they will be
convinced, because if directly elected the president will have a full
mandate
to complete the term of office.
Q. What would you do about the refugees in West Timor? And what is your
view of a Truth and Reconciliation process to deal with past crimes?
A. Why don't we work together (the Indonesian government and the UN)? Why
don't we ask the refugees what they want? It's as simple as that. Why is
it
so complicated? I don't blame others. I blame our own government. I am
sympathetic to truth and reconciliation to deal with past abuses. I asked a
member of the South African parliament about their Truth and Reconciliation
Commission. She said the process did not satisfy all, but there is no
alternative unless we forget the past. We can imitate this to some extent,
but the biggest criminals cannot be forgiven, must be brought to trial.
Q. You spoke at a Jakarta rally for the Laskar Jihad. You said that if
Ambon is not settled then action must be taken. Can you explain your
statement?
A. I deliberately attend such rallies because I am chairman of the MPR.
There were eleven speakers at that rally but I'm the only one who was
quoted.
I also attended a rally for Mochtar Pakpahan [controversial labor leader], I
visit Christian leaders and other groups. I attended that rally because I
wanted to pressure the government to take strong action to stop the
bloodshed. Anyone who says Amien Rais is behind those crimes must be mad,
crazy, a lunatic.
--------------------------------
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