> Assalamualaikum, > > Bagus juga pandangan dari Direktur eksekutif Yayasan Universitas dan > Akademi Jayabaya ini, tidak seperti pandangan orang2 yang nota bene > "Islam" Tetapi lebih senang memojokan organisasi2 agamanya sendiri. > > Wassalam, > ======= > > Jawa Pos, Kamis, 24 Okt 2002 > > Jejak Al Qaidah di Bali? > Oleh Denny J.A. > > Sudah lebih dari sepuluh hari ledakan bom di Bali. Pemerintah belum > juga menemukan pelakunya. Sudah begitu banyak saksi yang didengar > pendapatnya. Sudah banyak pula penyisiran lokasi dilakukan untuk > menemukan aneka bukti. Namun, sejauh ini belum ada yang dapat dijadikan > tersangka tragedi Bali. Memang Abu Bakar Ba�asyir sudah ditahan. Namun, > sang ustad ditahan karena kasus yang lain, bukan dalam kaitannya dengan > tragedi Bali. >
Mungkin saja ada yang akan mengatakan, Denny JA itu 'kan orang Indonesia Islam pula. Coba lihat pula pendapat orang Kanada (Thomas Walkom) dibawah ini. abrar diOz(57) West too quick to finger Al Qaeda for Bali terror By Thomas Walkom WHO WAS behind the nightclub bombing in Bali? Australians think it was the work of anti-Australian terrorists. In the North American media it is accepted as fact that Osama bin Laden's Al Qaeda was the culprit. But those who know Indonesia warn that there are rarely simple explanations for events that occur in a country that has been riven since its founding by violent conflicts � based sometimes on religion, sometimes on ethnicity, sometimes on regional interests and sometimes on just plain power politics. "All we know now is that we don't know who was behind this," says Paul Evans, an expert on Asia at the University of British Columbia. "We're just guessing as to the actual perpetrators of this violence ... "No one who knows anything about the region thinks that Al Qaeda was directly involved." If not Al Qaeda, then who? In Indonesia, the list runs long. Perhaps it was the work of disgruntled military elements connected to the former Suharto dictatorship. According to the Far Eastern Economic Review, retired generals anxious to destabilize Indonesia's civilian government are believed responsible for a series of bombings in 1999 and 2000, including one at the Jakarta Stock Exchange that killed 15 and wounded dozens. There was considerable speculation that the military was also involved in a series of Christmas Eve bombings in 2000 that killed 18 and wounded 84. And the very day of the Bali bombing, Australia's Sydney Morning Herald reported that army special forces were behind an ambush this summer in which 15 people, mainly Americans, were shot. Harold Crouch, an expert on Indonesia at Canberra's Australian National University, says he doesn't think the generals masterminded the Bali outrage. The reason, he says, is that since 2000, the government has become more accommodating to the army. "Why destabilize a government that is giving you what you want?" he asks. Still, the military will reap benefits if Indonesia joins wholeheartedly in U.S. President George W. Bush's war against Al Qaeda. The U.S. Congress will probably lift its ban on military support to Indonesia, imposed after the country's armed forces committed human rights abuses in East Timor. That would represent a real boon to the army which, stripped of many of its assets since Suharto's overthrow, is chronically starved of funds and has been engaged in a running battle with police over control of the country's illegal drug trade. That rivalry exploded into public view earlier this month when the army, angered by the arrest of a soldier for drug dealing, attacked a police station in Sumatra with guns and grenades, killing four. The second potential bonus for the military is more power. The government had been working on a sweeping anti-terrorism bill, but it was widely opposed in the country's legislature, which fears a return to the Suharto days of an all-powerful army. Now, in the wake of the Bali bombing and under pressure from foreign governments (who are threatening to cut off aid unless Indonesia joins the war against terror) the regime has bypassed the legislature and issued its anti-terrorism rules by decree. So far, most Western attention has focused on a shadowy Islamic group known as Jemaah Islamiyah and its alleged leader, Abu Bakar Bashir. But even this grouping is not exactly an Al Qaeda cell. A recent study published by the International Crisis Group, a private Brussels-based foundation funded by the government of Canada among others, points out that the roots of Jemaah Islamiyah go back to the founding of Indonesia itself, to regional rivalries between the central government and those who � under the banner of Islam � demanded more authority for the outlying islands. Finally suppressed in the 1960s, this regionalist movement was resurrected by army intelligence a decade later to siphon political support away from moderate Muslim political parties. The study details a bewildering series of moves and countermoves between the army and the reawakened Islamic grouping it had created, culminating in the mid-'80s when Bashir and others fled to Malaysia where, it seems, they made contact with CIA-backed Islamic militants fighting in Afghanistan. The government says Bashir is now a suspect in the Christmas Eve bombings of 2000. Interestingly, it has not yet said that Bashir is a suspect in the Bali bombings � although it is under pressure from both Australia and the U.S. to reach that conclusion. In the West, most of this detail is overlooked. We go for the simple story: There was a bombing in which Westerners died; Indonesia is largely Muslim; therefore, the attack must have been the work of Al Qaeda. Perhaps Al Qaeda was involved although the evidence so far suggests otherwise (investigators now think the bomb was made from local fertilizer rather than smuggled explosives). But the reality is probably more complex and more Indonesian. Terrorism is not a global abstraction. It occurs for reasons � often local, occasionally mundane. ---------------------------------------------------------------------------- ---- Thomas Walkom's column appears on Tuesday. 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