Izin share pulo, terlepas dari yg pro dan kontra, PKS alah punyo kebijakan sendiri utk mengantisipasi hal tersebut, maminteh sabalun hanyuik. Malengkapi kebijakan dulu untuk tidak rangkap jabatan publik.
http://m.dakwatuna.com/2013/01/06/26373/larang-istri-pejabat-publik-jadi-caleg-kebijakan-pks-dinilai-progressif/#axzz2Sexm9JvO Wassalam Ronald - depok, 41th On May 8, 2013 7:57 AM, "Muchwardi Muchtar" <[email protected]> wrote: > Kamanakanda Andiko basarato Dunsanak komunitas r@ntaunet n.a.c dan a.h. > Kalau di awal "ruok barek" awak Jo-manieh Suryadi alah mangomentari nagari > awak alah baliak ka monarki (karajaan) : > > ....Ha ha...Pak Muchwardi.... > Iko lah sampai ka DEMOCRAZZYYY mah. Baliak awak ka monarki liak, he he. > Tapi monarki zaman black berry........ > > Mako, pagi ko Andiko alah maundang pulo Dunsanak kito nan (kato > urang-urang) ahli "Politik di Indonesia" nan banamo Jeffrey A. Winters, > urang Amrik. Tulisan baliau acok ambo baco malalui surek kaba jakarta * > KOM*ando *PAS*tur dalam baso Indonesia. > > Meski diajak mancogok malalui alam maya r@ntaunet kali nangko, Si Jef > manulih pakai baso ranggaeknyo, paliang tidak nan wanyo tulih samakin > mampatageh bake awak bahaso komentar Ajo Sur alah sabantuak dan sabangun jo > tulisan panjang Si Jef nantun. > > Intinyo analisa Si Bule ahli saputa politik Indoensia ko, nan ambo tangkok > :"*Oligarki nan sadang bajalan di Indonesia kini ko sasuai jo Hukum dan > UU nan ado*. Itu makonyo di judul diskusi alam maya ko ambo tulih > samanjak awal *Kalau KPU Sajo Indak Bisa Maambek, Apo Lai Awak.....!!!**"* > > Ambo kutib saketek analisa Si Jef nangko : > > Oligarki nan didominasi dek oligarki basinjato untuak membela kekayaan > wanyo jo bantuan tentara swasta. > > Oligarki Sultanistic, diinduak angkangi surang individu kuaik, nan duduak > di puncak piramida nan mangendalian ambisi oligarki lainnya. Si Jef > Winters mancontohkan Soeharto sarupo jo oligarki sultanistic. Kato Si > Winters, oligarki Pak De HM manjadi tumbang karano galeh anak-anaknyo > maancam properti sarato kekayaan oligarki lainnya. > > Oligarki sipil adalah urang nan mambantuak oligarki melalui aturan hukum. Nan > pasti, aturan hukum wanyo buek (malalui parlemen, tantunyo) adolah untuak > kepentingan oligarki - supayo harato wanyo tajago taruih. Di ma paralu > (nantik?) kalau ado nan mautak utik harato nan wanyo dapek kutiko > mamarintah, kadicubo dek rayaik badarai mamintak baliak, tapaso badia > malatuih dan darah tasimbah....!!!! > Astaghfirullah Al Azim. Allahu Akbar. > Sengan ko sajo ---rancak--- "ruok barek" awak ko kito sudahi. > Salam dan sukses buek Kamanakanda Andiko (nan antah ka bilo awak dapek > basuo muko). Dan tarimo kasi dari dari ambo, karano Kamanakanda alah > mambaok "pangajian" Mak Utiah Winters ka palanta ko. > He he he...... > > Salam..................., > *mm**** > > > 2013/5/7 Andiko <[email protected]> > >> Review: Power politics >> >> http://www.insideindonesia.org/feature-editions/review-power-politics >> >> Jeffrey Winters’ Oligarchy is an epic work of comparative political >> insight but has little that is new to add to the study of Indonesia’s >> politics >> Marcus Mietzner >> >> >> Mostly known for his previous writings on Indonesia’s political economy, >> Jeffrey Winters has produced a significant and insightful book that goes >> well beyond the boundaries of the Indonesian archipelago. Indeed, to call >> his work a remarkable piece of comparative political science research would >> be an understatement. Rather, Winters delivers an all-encompassing account >> of the role of oligarchs in world history, drawing from examples that date >> back to Ancient Greece. >> >> An engaging writer and not afraid to make broad (and sometimes sweeping) >> statements, Winters proposes provocative explanations for the continued >> material inequality in modern democratic politics. In its expansive scope, >> Winters’ study succeeds: it highlights one of the least reflected-upon >> deficiencies of Western democracies, and emphasises how oligarchs (defined >> as ‘actors who command and control massive concentrations of material >> resources that can be employed to defend or enhance their personal wealth >> and exclusive social position’) are able to coexist with the democracies of >> the 21st century. >> >> For Winters, there are fundamentally four types of oligarchy: to begin >> with, warring oligarchies are dominated by armed oligarchs who defend their >> wealth with the help of private armies. In such a system, oligarchs >> generally fight one another, leading to high levels of institutional >> fragmentation. In ruling oligarchies, by contrast, leading oligarchs still >> compete but they reach a compromise about some form of collective supremacy >> over the rest of society. >> >> Sultanistic oligarchies, for their part, are presided over by an >> individual oligarch, who sits at the top of a patronage pyramid and >> controls the ambitions of all other oligarchs. Importantly, Winters >> portrays Suharto’s Indonesia as such a sultanistic oligarchy. According to >> Winters, Suharto’s oligarchic hegemony only crumbled when his children’s >> expanding business interests posed a direct threat to the property and >> wealth of other oligarchs. >> >> Finally, civil oligarchies are those that contain the actions of >> oligarchs through the rule of law. To be sure, the rule of law is also in >> the interest of oligarchs – it protects their property rights and allows >> them to dispense with the necessity of defending their wealth through the >> use of armed militias. Winters’ main examples in this category are the >> United States and Singapore. >> >> The case of Indonesia >> >> Winters’ comparative and historical reflections are astute, and his >> description of the New Order as a sultanistic oligarchy is persuasive – >> despite not being entirely new. Other authors – such as Edward Aspinall – >> had already applied the concept of sultanism (which is derived from Juan >> Linz’ and Alfred Stepan’s writings on regime types) to the case of >> Suharto’s Indonesia, and neo-Marxist scholars around Richard Robison had >> illuminated the role of the oligarchy in the New Order polity as early as >> the mid-1980s. Winters has cleverly merged these two approaches, but his >> discussion of that period does not disclose new material or theoretical >> interpretations that could dramatically change scholarly accounts of >> Suharto’s rule. Rather, it is Winters’ classification of the post-Suharto >> state that is the most novel, but arguably also least sustainable section >> of the book as far as political analyses of Indonesia are concerned. >> >> In Winters’ typology, post-authoritarian Indonesia is an ‘untamed ruling >> oligarchy’. According to his analysis, Indonesia’s democratisation allowed >> the country’s oligarchs to shake off the shackles that Suharto had put on >> them. Instead of being curtailed by increasing transparency, electoral >> competitiveness and a myriad of new social forces, Indonesian oligarchs >> used the absence of a ‘sultan’ to establish control over a political system >> marked by weak legal institutions. Thus, while Indonesian oligarchs are >> ‘fully disarmed’, they ‘use their material power resources for wealth and >> property defence in a political economy overflowing with threats and >> uncertainties’. >> >> Although it is easy to agree with Winters’ assessment that oligarchs have >> assumed a strong position in post-Suharto politics, he provides little >> evidence for his claim that they are in fact ‘ruling’ the polity. Indeed, >> given that much of the field research for his book was done in Indonesia, >> Winters’ section on the ‘untamed ruling oligarchy’ in contemporary >> Indonesia is surprisingly thin – both empirically and analytically. >> >> Sadly, we learn very little about the power constellation in the >> country’s post-authoritarian politics, and not much is revealed about who >> the oligarchs are and how exactly they exercise their ‘rule’. Apart from >> offering a somewhat simplistic dichotomy between Chinese and pribumi >> (indigenous) oligarchs, Winters provides no map of oligarchic politics in >> Indonesia’s democracy – something that would have been extraordinarily >> useful. This absence is compounded by the fact that Winters calls his >> interviewees ‘Oligarch A’ or ‘Oligarch I’, even if and when they simply >> confirm trends or patterns already widely reported in the press. >> >> Winters’ fixation on oligarchic rule has two serious implications for his >> characterisation of post-Suharto Indonesia. First, it leads him to miss the >> nuances of political contestation in the new, democratic polity. Political >> parties, Muslim groups, labour unions, NGOs, media organisations, local >> movements – they are only touched upon insofar they have come under the >> influence of oligarchic interests as well. And while some of them have >> indeed been infiltrated in such ways, others haven’t, and others again have >> witnessed internal struggles between oligarchic and non-oligarchic forces. >> None of this complexity is conveyed in Winters’ account. There is also very >> little recognition of the continuing (and, according to some observers, >> widening) ideological divide between Indonesians who want to maintain the >> pluralistic foundations of the state and those that aim for a more formal >> role of Islam in state organisation. Ideology, as a whole, seems to be >> entirely absent from Winters’ analysis – an omission that is consequential >> even in the discussion of modern polities in the West, but is particularly >> visible in a Muslim democracy such as Indonesia’s. >> >> Second, and related to the point above, Winters’ near-universal >> categories produce very rough and thus often inaccurate characterisations >> of key politicians and events. For instance, with oligarchs described as >> Indonesia’s ruling class, Winters succumbs to the temptation of calling >> almost every prominent political leader an oligarch. Interestingly, he >> seems rather uncomfortable with such a broad sweep himself, leading him to >> invent the category of ‘middle oligarch’. But Winters’ main case study in >> this regard – Akbar Tanjung – is unconvincing. It is true that Akbar, the >> chairman of Golkar in the early post-Suharto period, is personally wealthy, >> allowing him to cover some of the costs of his political operations. But >> far more important for Akbar’s strength in Golkar has been his decades-long >> involvement with the party’s grassroots, committees and organisational >> bodies. In turn, this popularity convinced wealthy sponsors to provide >> Akbar with donations, which further consolidated his position in Golkar. >> Akbar’s categorisation as a ‘middle oligarch’ therefore brushes over >> several layers of types of politicians and their complicated interaction. >> In today’s Indonesia, around half of the chairpersons of political parties >> belong to the type of well-connected and long-time party activist that >> Akbar represents – they are neither ‘full’ nor ‘middle’ oligarchs on >> Winters’ analytical spectrum. >> >> Of course, Winters did not intend to write a detailed book on the >> Indonesian oligarchy and its role in post-Suharto politics. His ambition >> was much more far-reaching: to present a study on the almost timeless >> structures of oligarchic dominance in world history. Therefore, like most >> other comparative, context-transcending and universalist writings, Winters’ >> book makes no apologies for sacrificing factual precision on the altar of >> groundbreaking theory-building. There is no doubt that Winters’ book >> succeeds in the latter field in an impressive manner: comparativist >> political scientists and theorists will find his contribution highly >> stimulating and innovative. The community of Indonesianists, on the other >> hand, will discover plenty of material in this important book that deserves >> critical questioning. >> >> Jeffrey A. Winters, Oligarchy, New York: Cambridge University Press, 2011. >> >> Marcus Mietzner ([email protected]) is Senior Lecturer, School >> of Culture, History and Language, College of Asia and the Pacific, >> Australian National University. >> >> >> >> Pada Selasa, 07 Mei 2013 14:54:22 UTC+7, Muchwardi Muchtar menulis: >> >>> Selasa, 07 Mei 2013 >>> Suami-Istri, Anak-Menantu Akan Kuasai DPR >>> >>> *JAKARTA* - Daftar bakal calon anggota legislatif 2014 sesak oleh >>> kerabat petinggi partai peserta pemilu, dari suami-istri, anak, >>> menantu-mertua, hingga kemenakan. Dalam daftar Partai Demokrat, misalnya, >>> ada tak kurang dari 12 bakal calon anggota Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat yang >>> terkait dengan Ketua Umum Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (selengkapnya lihat >>> infografik). >>> >>> Namun para pengurus partai berkilah kursi DPR merupakan hak setiap warga >>> negara. "Semua orang punya hak sama menjadi calon legislator," kata Hanafi >>> Rais, putra dedengkot Partai Amanat Nasional, Amien Rais. >>> >>> Walhasil, Senayan 2014-2019 kemungkinan besar dikuasai sejumlah dinasti >>> politik saja. Soalnya, Ketua Komisi Pemilihan Umum (KPU) Husni Kamil Manik >>> memastikan lembaganya tak bisa mencoret calon legislator dari kalangan >>> dinasti partai. "Sepanjang memenuhi syarat, tak ada alasan bagi kami >>> mencoretnya." Hari ini KPU umumkan hasil verifikasi daftar caleg. *TIM >>> TEMPO* >>> >>> ------------------------------ >>> >>> >>> *Partai Demokrat* >>> >>> *1. Edhie Baskoro Yudhoyono* >>> (Putra SBY, Jawa Timur VII, No. 1) >>> >>> *2. Hartanto Edhie Prabowo* >>> (Adik ipar SBY, Banten III, No. 1) >>> >>> *3. Agus Hermanto* >>> (Adik ipar SBY, Jawa Tengah I, No. 1) >>> >>> *4. Lintang Pramesti * >>> (Anak Agus Hermanto, Jawa Barat VIII, No. 2) >>> >>> *5. Putri Permatasari* >>> (Kemenakan Agus Hermanto, Jawa Tengah I, No. 3) >>> >>> *6. Sartono Hutomo* >>> (Sepupu SBY, Jawa Timur VII, No. 2) >>> >>> *7. Dwi Astuti Wulandari* >>> (Anak Hadi Utomo, DKI Jakarta I, No. 3) >>> >>> *8. Nurcahyo Anggorojati* >>> (Anak Hadi Utomo, Jawa Tengah VI, No. 7) >>> >>> *9. Decky Hardijanto* >>> (Kemenakan Hadi Utomo, Jawa Tengah V, No. 4) >>> >>> *10. Indri Sulistiyowati* >>> (Kemenakan Hadi Utomo, Nusa Tenggara Barat, No. 3) >>> >>> *11. Sumardany Zirnata* >>> (Suami Indri Sulistiyowati, Riau I, No. 2) >>> >>> *12. Mexicana Leo Hananto Wibowo* >>> (Kemenakan SBY, DKI Jakarta III, No. 5) >>> >>> *Partai Amanat Nasional* >>> >>> *1. Hanna Gayatri* >>> (Kakak Hatta Rajasa/Ketua Umum PAN, Sumatera Selatan II, No. 1) >>> >>> *2. Ahmad Hafidz Tohir* >>> (Adik Hatta, Sumatera Selatan I, No. 1) >>> >>> *3. Ahmad Hanafi Rais* >>> (Putra Amien Rais/Ketua Majelis Pertimbangan Partai, DI Yogyakarta, No. >>> 1) >>> >>> *Golkar* >>> >>> *1. Taufan Eko Nugroho Tororasiko* >>> (Menantu Aburizal Bakrie/Ketua Umum Golkar, Jawa Tengah VIII, No. 2) >>> >>> *2. Dave Akbarshah Fikarno Laksono* >>> (Anak Agung Laksono/Wakil Ketua Umum Golkar, Jawa Barat VIII, No. 1) >>> >>> *3. Jerry Sambuaga* >>> (Anak Theo Sambuaga/Wakil Ketua Umum Golkar, Sulawesi Utara, No. 3) >>> >>> *"Kalau yang duduk di legislatif dari keluarga, Banten akan mendapat >>> keuntungan. Saya tak harus capek melobi."* >>> Atut Chosiyah >>> >>> *PDI Perjuangan* >>> >>> *1. Puan Maharani* >>> (Anak Megawati/Ketua Umum PDI Perjuangan, Jawa Tengah V, No. 1) >>> >>> *2. Guruh Soekarno Putra* >>> (Adik Megawati, Jawa Timur I, No. 1) >>> >>> *3. Nazaruddin Kiemas* >>> (Adik ipar Megawati, Sumatera Selatan I, No 1) >>> >>> *4. Puti Guntur Soekarno* >>> (Kemenakan Megawati, Jawa Barat X, No. 2) >>> >>> *Partai Bulan Bintang* >>> >>> *1. Yustiman Ihza* >>> (Adik Yusril Ihza Mahendra/Ketua Majelis Syura PBB, Jawa Barat VIII, No. >>> 1) >>> >>> *2. Tri Natalie Read* >>> (Menantu Yusril, DKI Jakarta II, No. 2) >>> >>> *"Tak ada sejarahnya saya bersikap nepotisme. Mereka kompeten dan punya >>> latar belakang politik."* >>> Yusril Ihza Mahendra >>> >>> *Partai Persatuan Pembangunan* >>> >>> *1. Wardatul Asriah* >>> (Istri Suryadharma Ali/Ketua Umum PPP, Jawa Barat VII, No. 1) >>> >>> *2. Kartika Yudhisti* >>> (Anak Suryadharma, Banten II, No. 1) >>> >>> *3. Rendhika D. Harsono* >>> (Suami Kartika, DPRD DKI Jakarta) >>> >> -- >> . >> * Posting yg berasal dari Palanta RantauNet, dipublikasikan di tempat >> lain wajib mencantumkan sumber: ~dari Palanta R@ntauNet~ >> * Isi email, menjadi tanggung jawab pengirim email. >> =========================================================== >> UNTUK DIPERHATIKAN, melanggar akan dimoderasi: >> - DILARANG: >> 1. E-mail besar dari 200KB; >> 2. E-mail attachment, tawarkan & kirim melalui jalur pribadi; >> 3. One Liner. >> - Anggota WAJIB mematuhi peraturan serta mengirim biodata! 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Lihat di: > http://rantaunet.wordpress.com/2011/01/01/tata-tertib-adat-salingka-palanta-rntaunet/ > - Tulis Nama, Umur & Lokasi disetiap posting > - Hapus footer & seluruh bagian tdk perlu dlm melakukan reply > - Untuk topik/subjek baru buat email baru, tdk mereply email lama & > mengganti subjeknya. > =========================================================== > Berhenti, bergabung kembali, mengubah konfigurasi/setting keanggotaan di: > http://groups.google.com/group/RantauNet/ > --- > Anda menerima pesan ini karena Anda berlangganan grup "RantauNet" dari > Grup Google. > Untuk berhenti berlangganan dan berhenti menerima email dari grup ini, > kirim email ke rantaunet+berhenti [email protected] . > Untuk opsi lainnya, kunjungi https://groups.google.com/groups/opt_out. > > > -- . * Posting yg berasal dari Palanta RantauNet, dipublikasikan di tempat lain wajib mencantumkan sumber: ~dari Palanta R@ntauNet~ * Isi email, menjadi tanggung jawab pengirim email. =========================================================== UNTUK DIPERHATIKAN, melanggar akan dimoderasi: - DILARANG: 1. 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