It is clear that being a child of a teenage mother often entails numerous 
risks: low birth weight, complications of the mother's pregnancy and 
delivery, and health problems associated with poor perinatal outcomes; 
greater risk of perinatal death; lower IQ and academic achievement later 
on, including a greater risk of repeating a grade; greater risk of 
socio-emotional problems; a greater risk of having a fatal accident before 
age one; and finally, a greater probability of starting one's own family at 
an early age. Although there are variations from study to study, most 
studies that survey a representative sample from a population that has had 
no special interventions and is of diverse socioeconomic makeup, and that 
do not control for SES or other factors, find that children of teen parents 
are at greater risk than children of older parents for a host of health, 
social and economic problems.
sandra teen model special 25

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Several other studies (Presser, 1976; Newcomer and Udry, 1984) have also 
found that daughters of early childbearers are likely to be early 
childbearers themselves. Newcomer and Udry (1984) were unable to explain 
much of this relationship in terms of transmissable attitudes, 
communication patterns or behavioral control attempts. Thus they 
hypothesized a biological mechanism such as age at physical maturation. 
However, they could not rule out causes (such as socioeconomic background) 
that may be common to both mother and daughter. Maternal modeling is also a 
reasonable hypothesis: that the daughter tends to do what the mother does, 
rather than what she says. However, in the case of early sexual activity 
and childbearing, the behavior is not directly modelable since it precedes 
the birth of the daughter. The daughter cannot model what the mother did 
while she was a teenager, only what she does now.

Family structure appears to be one of the most important factors 
intervening between parental age, background factors such as SES and race 
and the outcomes of the child's cognitive development, such his/ her later 
achievements. Besides the Card and Cohen et al. analyses, several other 
studies have examined selected parts of the model and have found family 
structure to be an important intervening factor. Both Menken and McCarthy 
(1979) and Kellam et al. (1982) found that children of mothers who were 
teenagers at first birth were themselves more likely to spend time with 
only one parent than children of older childbearers.

One of the consistent and most important findings in the study of the 
effects of mother's age at first birth and child outcomes is that the 
education of the mother has a consistent positive impact on the 
intelligence and achievement of her child. The effect is consistently 
large, regardless of how it was included as part of the model: about 1 IQ 
point for each year of schooling of the mother in several of the studies 
(Cohen et al., 1980; Davis and Grossbard-Schechtman, 1980; Edwards and 
Grossman, 1979). Previous research (see Chapter 6) has shown a strong 
relationship between an early first birth and educational deficits among 
young women. Not only does lack of schooling hinder the prospects for a 
young woman's future employment, economic well-being, and life success, but 
it appears to have very detrimental effects on her children. Unfortunately, 
we still have very little information about exactly what education means. 
If we had some better understanding of what it is about education that 
improves children's cognitive and socioemotional performance, then we could 
better target programs to teen mothers. One possible link is through 
parenting behaviors of such mothers. This is the topic of the following 
section.

Although a relationship between an early first birth and the child's health 
at birth has been found, this appears to be a result of less than adequate 
prenatal and perinatal care rather than biology, since it appears to 
disappear in special hospital populations that receive excellent health 
care. Unfortunately, here again, what prenatal care contributes is not 
clearly defined. Children of older mothers are consistently less healthy at 
birth than children of average age mothers. This is likely to be a true 
biological effect. The few studies that have looked at the health of 
infants of adolescent and older mothers find few direct effects of age on 
infant health. One study, however, did find the death rate from accidents 
within the first year of life was much higher for infants of teenage than 
older mothers, even controlling for maternal education and family size.

The studies are also consistent in suggesting that there may be important 
indirect effects: through family structure, maternal education and family 
size. An early birth is associated with a greater probability that the 
family will be headed by a single parent, that the mother will complete 
less schooling and that there will be a larger number of children. And 
these factors have also been shown to have effects on the cognitive 
development and achievement of the child. Schooling appears to be the most 
consistently important of these, with family structure a close second, 
although not all of these have appeared in the same way in all models. More 
work could be done comparing the relative contributions of these three 
factors. It is especially important to look more at the contribution of 
schooling, since it (and family size) is most subject to manipulation. 
Since there is very little understanding about exactly what schooling 
contributes to an individual's capabilities, more work is needed to define 
what it is about the amount of schooling the mother completes that improves 
the cognitive ability and performance of her children. Differential school 
completion may simply reflect differential motivation or capabilities, for 
example.
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