THE AGE
Howard's sinister strategy

By PAT DODSON 
Saturday 13 May 2000 

THE Federal Government wishes to drive a wedge between the concepts of
rights and
welfare for the Aboriginal people, but also between those who advocate a
rights
agenda and those seeking relief from appalling poverty. This is an
attempt at a new
spin on a very old wicket of divide and rule. 

If it were a matter of rice-bowl politics it might not be so bad, but it
is far more
sinister than that. It is about removing the centrality of community as
the life centre,
and instead models on the individual as the essential unit of society.
This is not our
way. With all our social problems, the answer is not to attack the
foundations of our
community by putting the individual before the community.

Aborigines have never wanted to be the same as the white man. What we
have sought
is to have substantial equality so that as human beings there might be a
quality of life
that we can enjoy in keeping with our own values and ways of society.

Lives for our peoples, similar to that of the majority in Australia but
lives uniquely
ours - not ones that the governments' wished to impose upon us. Lives
where we
meet our obligations as citizens but where we are accommodated also as
Aborigines.
Lives where our human and cultural rights are respected by the
governments that
have told the world they would respect them.

We have been an affront to the foundational thinking and perceptions
that underpin
the British mould of Australian institutional principles of society. 

The confidence of the nation to celebrate with some pride its
achievement is always
tempered with the concern that the issues of unfinished business between
us would
surface and detract from the moment. This inevitably sends the message
to those who
observe us, as a nation divided in the one country. It further
highlights the inability of
a modern democracy to come to grips fairly and respectfully with its
indigenous
peoples.

>From a cultural position, the only way that the mourning period can be
ended is when
the proper protocols and practical arrangements have been carried out.
When the
people who have had a wrong or an injustice done to them have been
accommodated
by the action of those responsible. Then we can come together as friends
and mates.

Let there be no misunderstanding: the anger and disappointment that many
indigenous
Australians have with the way the content of the "Towards a Document of
Reconciliation" proposal is being handled is not with the Council for
Aboriginal
Reconciliation. We are angry and disappointed at the cynical
manipulation of the
process that has been employed by the Federal Government, and in
particular the
leader of that government - a manipulation that is an affront to the
millions of
Australians of goodwill that have sought a genuine reconciliation
between our peoples.

In common with all other Australians, we must have the right to maintain
our unique
cultural identity without having our entitlements as Australian citizens
held hostage to
the social imperatives of governments and their leaders unable to
comprehend the
value of the contribution that we bring to this country as first
Australians.

It may well be beyond the imagination of this government to grasp the
consequences
of what the continual denial of the rights of the first Australians will
be - to grasp the
importance in the same way that so many Australians who have come to
terms with
the truth of our past and are seeking to provide a shared future of
justice for all our
children. But unless we have the courage to persevere and confront the
denial and
prejudices placed before us, a just future for our children will not be
secured.

I am proposing today that with the completion of the work of Council for
Aboriginal
Reconciliation only seven months away, they place before the Parliament
the
following proposal:

First, before the council's May 27 and 28 event, the Prime Minister
needs to make it
clear that he will accept what the council has put forward and that he
will commit to a
process with the Aboriginal peoples of finding practical, legal and
political ways of
advancing the council's recommendations.

Second, , the government should endorse the recommendation that 40
distinguished
Australians - 20 from each side - be commissioned to draft a treaty
between the
Australian Government and Aboriginal peoples, based on the matters
raised by the
council's recommendations and those other matters relayed to it as the
continuing
causes for discord and division between us. The government should
nominate half the
dignitaries, and the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Commission
should nominate
the Aboriginal dignitaries.

Third, that the Aboriginal people and the government nominate their
respective
representatives to negotiate the draft treaty. This process of
negotiations should be
overseen by all past prime ministers, High Court judges and former heads
of state,
and an equivalent number of senior Aboriginal representatives. An
independent treaty
commission should be established, independent of the government and the
bureaucracy, and it should be resourced appropriately. 

If there is no agreement reached between the government and Aboriginal
negotiators,
the government should put the question of a treaty with Aboriginal
people to a
referendum. If there is a positive result from the negotiations or the
referendum, the
government should adopt the treaty as part of our modus operandi and
legislate it into
existence.

Just the other day I received a lovely letter from a 73-year-old
non-Aboriginal
Tasmanian woman, full of kindness but also with a vision. Her kindness
was in
seeking advice on changing her will to fund a scholarship for future
Aboriginal legal
students. Her vision was one of reconciliation. She lives next to a
conservation zone.
She said in a postscript to her letter:

"Hope the pelicans helped to eased your heart. I witnessed a riotous
event one day. A
pelican paddled in with a seagull on its back. The seagull hopped off at
one stage and
the pelican continued on its way. Realising he was alone, the pelican
turned and
paddled back to the gull. I could almost hear him saying, `Hey, are you
coming or
not?' The gull hopped back on and the twosome continued on their
navigation of the
area."

In my home country, an event witnessed in the natural world such as this
is can be
read as a vision of spirit, or rai. The pelican gliding across the water
is like the spirit of
reconciliation, black and white together moving forwards. The seagull is
in some ways
like the governments of the day, forever changing, coming on and off the
process,
flying off to scream loudly before one day returning and joining the
voyage, navigating
towards a new future. This future is our future.

Pat Dodson was the first chairman of the Council for Aboriginal
Reconciliation. This
is an edited extract of a speech in Canberra yesterday.

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