The Washington Post
http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/articles/A21222-2000Jun29.html

  Australia's 'Stolen Generation' Seeks Payback

  By Rajiv Chandrasekaran
  Washington Post Foreign Service
  Thursday, July 6, 2000; Page A01 

  SYDNEY –– Terry Olsen joined
  Australia's "stolen generation"
  on a routine visit to a clinic in
  1973. 

  While his aunt and
  grandmother sat in the waiting
  room, assuming the
  18-month-old Aborigine with
  a milk-chocolate complexion
  and wavy brown hair was
  getting an immunization, a
  social worker spirited the
  toddler out the back door.
  Unbeknownst to his parents,
  he was eventually deposited
  with a white family more than
  1,000 miles away under a
  government program aimed at
  forcibly assimilating
  lighter-skinned indigenous
  people.

  Stripped of his family and his culture, Olsen was supposed to
  become less Aboriginal and more like a white Australian. Told
  that his parents had died, he endured violent punishments at the
  hands of his foster parents and incessant taunting as the only
  black student in his new town, a remote farming community in
  the northeastern state of Queensland. "It was hell," he recalled.
  "They kidnapped me to change who I was."

  Today, Olsen, who has been reunited with his parents and
  teaches Aboriginal dance, figures that, at the very least, the
  government owes him an apology, along with the thousands of
  other young indigenous people who were similarly kidnapped
  between the early 1900s and the mid-1970s. A national
  commission that has spent the past decade studying ways to
  promote reconciliation between black and white Australians
  recently has taken the same view, recommending that the
  government issue a formal apology for its mistreatment of
  generations of Aborigines. To many here, both black and white,
  saying sorry for the stolen generation--for the killings of tens of
  thousands of indigenous people by early settlers, for the forced
  relocation of Aboriginal families to fenced-in communities and
  for years of pervasive racism--seems like a relatively simple but
  symbolic step that would help promote racial healing.

  But Prime Minister John Howard has balked, saying he is
  unwilling "to apologize for things my government and my
  generation of Australians didn't do." He has argued that an
  official apology would lead to a flood of lawsuits seeking
  reparations that could cost the government billions of dollars.

  Howard's refusal to apologize has escalated into one of the most
  significant and divisive political issues in Australia's history,
  raising questions about the government's commitment to
  improving race relations and fueling threats of embarrassing
  protests during the country's biggest moment on the world
  stage--this summer's Olympic Games in Sydney.

  For Aboriginal activists, the Olympics, with a global television
  audience in the billions, offers the ideal opportunity to highlight
  their plight for fellow Australians and the rest of the world.
  Aboriginal leaders say they do not plan to disrupt the Games, but
  they vow to get their message across through large street
  protests.

  "Saying 'sorry' is a psychological, spiritual, symbolic thing that
  will act as a catalyst for us to discuss all the problems between
  us," said Charles Perkins, an Aboriginal activist in Sydney who
  has promised to lead demonstrations during the Olympics. "But
  if this country can't do something as basic as apologizing to its
  indigenous people, then we will reveal Australia for what it
  is--one of the most racist countries in the world. This country
  may wear a nice suit, but it has dirty underwear."

  Although Australia is one of the world's most affluent nations,
  much of its Aboriginal population lives in Third World squalor,
  in inner-city ghettos or ramshackle rural settlements where levels
  of education, health, income, housing, employment and life
  expectancy are far lower than those of white Australians. For
  instance, the official unemployment rate for Aborigines is 23
  percent, although Aboriginal leaders say it is closer to 51 percent,
  compared with 6.9 percent for all Australians. At the same time,
  Aborigines have the nation's highest rates of imprisonment,
  welfare dependency, alcoholism and drug abuse.

  Aborigines, who make up about 2 percent of Australia's 19
  million people, also lack political clout; only one member of
  Parliament and one judge are Aboriginal.

  "The conditions for indigenous people in Australia are
  deplorable," said Geoff Clark, chairman of the Aboriginal and
  Torres Strait Islander Commission, a quasi-governmental agency
  that oversees indigenous affairs.

  Clark and other Aboriginal leaders are not just pushing for an
  apology. They want the government to sign a treaty with the
  indigenous population that would provide for financial
  reparations and limited autonomy for Aboriginal communities.
  Such treaties, they argue, have been signed in other countries
  with large indigenous populations, including the United States,
  Canada and New Zealand.

  "A treaty would give us a blueprint on a range of issues including
  our heritage, compensation and law and order," he said. "It
  would help us solve a lot of problems."

  But Howard has rejected that request as well, arguing that a
  treaty would be too divisive. "Treaties are between
  nation-states," said Philip Ruddock, Howard's minister for
  multicultural affairs. "It might have been okay in the days of the
  red Indians and the colonialists, but would the United States do
  such a thing today? I don't think so."

  Aboriginal leaders say their problems date back to the arrival of
  the first British settlers--many of them convicts from
  overcrowded prisons--who landed at Sydney Cove in 1788, 18
  years after Capt. James Cook, the famed South Seas explorer,
  claimed possession of the continent. At the time, anthropologists
  estimate that between 300,000 and 1 million Aborigines were in
  Australia, living among several hundred largely discrete, nomadic
  tribes that did not farm or build permanent settlements.

  Although the settlers' journals indicate that they saw and fought
  with indigenous residents, the colonists and the tens of thousands
  who followed them in the years after occupied the land under a
  doctrine of "terra nullius," or empty land. Aboriginal people, in
  the eyes of the settlers, were too primitive to have any claim to
  the continent.

  In the following years, the settlers regarded the Aborigines as
  little more than pests that needed to be driven away or killed. On
  the island of Tasmania, colonists killed so many Aborigines that
  the indigenous population was wiped out by 1876. Aborigines
  did fight back in a low-grade guerrilla war, but their spears and
  other traditional weapons were no match for the settlers' horses
  and guns. Those who survived eventually were confined to
  fenced reservations, often in the most inhospitable parts of the
  Outback.

  After Australia became independent in 1901, government
  officials believed some Aborigines, particularly lighter-skinned
  ones fathered by settlers, could be assimilated into white society.
  It was that policy that gave rise to generations of "stolen"
  children.

  "The idea at the time was that full-blooded Aboriginal people
  would die out, while children of mixed descent could be saved,"
  said Andrew Markus, a history professor at Monash University
  in Melbourne. "They thought removing the kids from their
  families was doing them a favor."

  Although an Aboriginal rights movement began in the 1940s, it
  was not until 1962 that indigenous people were granted the right
  to vote, not until 1967 that they were counted in the census, not
  until the early 1970s that Aboriginal orphanages and reservations
  were closed and not until 1975 that rampant segregation akin to
  that of the Jim Crow South finally was outlawed. In 1992,
  indigenous people won their most significant legal battle, when
  the nation's highest court rejected the notion of terra nullius and
  ruled that Aborigines could be entitled to reclaim some of their
  land.

  The government now spends about $1.5 billion a year on social
  programs for Aborigines, from job training to housing subsidies
  and free medical care. "We are putting in an enormous amount
  of work to improve the conditions of our indigenous people,"
  Ruddock said. "But we are starting from a very low base. We're
  dealing with an indigenous population that had little contact with
  the rest of the world. We're dealing with people who were
  essentially hunter-gatherers. They didn't have chariots. I don't
  think they invented the wheel."

  Despite the handouts, most Australian communities remain
  firmly separated between black and white. In Sydney, for
  instance, it is rare to see an Aborigine in the central business
  district. Many spend their days in a decrepit inner-city ghetto
  called Redfern or in one of several low-income suburbs.

  In smaller communities, the division is even clearer. In
  Kempsey, a languid river town of 10,000 people 225 miles north
  of Sydney and site of a large hat factory, Aborigines make up
  about 15 percent of the population. But only a handful of
  Aboriginal people work in the cafes, liquor shops and stores that
  line the main street. More than 70 percent of the Aboriginal
  population there is unemployed and on welfare.

  "The white people, they won't hire Aboriginal people," said
  Michelle Kelly-Greenup, 18, who said she recently went into
  three dozen businesses to apply for a job and was rejected each
  time. "Racism is alive and well here."

  But many of the town's white residents accuse the Aboriginal
  population of not wanting to work. "They would rather sit at
  home and drink," said the owner of a car repair shop. "Why do
  they need to work? They get plenty of welfare."

  Others in Kempsey take a more conciliatory view, arguing that
  reconciliation is a two-way street that requires white Australians
  to demonstrate more compassion and Aboriginal people to
  assume more responsibility for their problems. Although the
  town council last year issued its own apology to Aborigines,
  interviews with several dozen white residents revealed strong
  support for the prime minister's refusal to issue a national
  apology.

  "We shouldn't dwell on the past," said John Bowel, the town's
  deputy mayor. "Reconciliation is about looking to the future."

 © 2000 The Washington Post Company 

  



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