The Sydney Morning Herald
Monday, September 25, 2000 
  
  The perils of political reinterpretation 

  Henry Reynolds explains his estimate of 20,000 Aboriginal killings is
  based on a mountain of research supporting a violent frontier.

  IN A brief passage in his recent sustained attack on the past 20 years
of
  historical work about frontier conflict, Keith Windschuttle
inadvertently
  draws attention both to his naivety and his ignorance of the subject
at the
  centre of the controversy. He explains that he had long been aware of
  existing estimates of Aboriginal mortality in armed conflict and had
  presumed they were based on a tabulation of reported and certified
  deaths.

  But anyone with any research experience at all in frontier history
would
  have known that such accounting had always been impossible in
Australia.
  It was so obvious it almost went without saying. What is more, the
reason
  was clear. Killing Aborigines was murder - at least technically so.
No-one
  involved in frontier skirmishing willingly provided evidence that
might
  conceivably incriminate them. They might - and often did - talk and
write
  about killing blacks but the number or location of the bodies was
another
  matter altogether.

  Our recent experience of massacres in Bosnia and East Timor should
have
  alerted Windschuttle to the course taken by perpetrators - to hide
what
  they had done - and the concerted forensic effort needed to track them
  down, even a few months after the event.

  But for Windschuttle it seems that if there were no bodies, there were
no
  killings.

  However, it is his lack of experience in Australian historical
research
  which is most concerning. He has set out to write critical
historiography
  without the knowledge or research experience to sustain it.

  Windschuttle pays particular attention to my 1981 estimate in The
Other
  Side of the Frontier, that it was "reasonable to suppose" that 20,000
  Aborigines were killed by settlers over the 140 or so years from 1788
to
  1928. He wonders, quite reasonably, where the figure came from. But he
  never asked me. His interest was not elucidation but assassination,
  accusing me of gross public deception. He behaved more like a hit-man
  than a historian; was scurrilous rather than serious.

  I should point out that The Other Side of the Frontier was not about
  massacres, not primarily about the settlers at all. I considered the
question
  of violent Aboriginal death in just over two pages. Windschuttle
obviously
  paid them close attention. As he has pointed out, I referred to the
cognate
  work of four other scholars who, up to 1981, had made some attempt to
  count bodies. He clearly thinks that is the sum of my evidence. If
that was
  true there would be good cause for concern. But I mentioned them only
in
  passing, having by then done my own work on the regions in question.
  Two pages later I explained where my estimate had come from. It should
  be quoted at length:

  "The figure of 20,000 Aboriginal deaths in frontier conflict will be
thought
  too high by some, too low by others. However, the evidence concerning
  the ubiquity of conflict is overwhelming. It can be found in almost
every
  type of document - official reports both public and confidential,
  newspapers, letters, reminiscences ... The evidence for a great loss
of life
  is voluminous, various and uncontrovertible."

  I wrote that because I knew that to be the case - I knew it because I
had
  done 10 years of research during which time I read every sort of
  document in every major library and archive in Australia. I listed my
  sources in a 25-page select bibliography. They included over 80
  parliamentary papers, vast quantities of unpublished official
material, over
  50 collections of private papers, more than 50 colonial newspapers and
  200 contemporary books and articles. During my research I collected
  hundreds of references to frontier violence. So abundant was the
material
  and so convincing that I eventually stopped noting new references. I
could
  have written a large and detailed book on frontier violence with
copious
  documentation but it would have been a repetitive and ultimately
  depressing exercise.

  It is interesting to speculate why Windschuttle makes no reference
  whatsoever to my account of the great body of evidence that my work
  rested on. The easy answer is that in his zeal to discredit, he
deliberately
  avoided any mention of it. But I think there is another explanation.
  Lacking any serious research experience of his own he simply read over
  the paragraph in question and failed to comprehend its significance.

  So, in answer to Windschuttle's question of where my "educated guess"
  came from I reply that it rested on a mountain of research which
  overwhelmingly supported the picture I drew of a violent frontier.

  Since 1981 there has been another generation of research by many
  scholars - much of it regional, detailed, meticulous. None of it has
caused
  me to reconsider my original estimate. There is currently a serious
debate
  about the Forrest River massacre. But it is far from over and I am
willing
  to let it continue among West Australian historians before reviewing
my
  assessment of the evidence.

  Windschuttle's lack of serious research in the field is shown up in
other
  ways as well. He appears to take delight in the assertion that I can
only
  come up with five Aboriginal deaths in Queensland. It is a truly
  extraordinary claim as anyone with the slightest knowledge of
Queensland
  history would know.

  From 1840 till 1907 the Queensland Native Police ranged the Queensland
  frontier. For most of that time their instructions were to "disperse"
large
  gatherings and punish any attack on Europeans or their property. In
1861
  the Attorney-General told the local parliament that it was foolish to
hide
  the fact that "disperse" meant to shoot at. 

  So what does Windschuttle suppose this large paramilitary force was
doing
  for 50 years? As far as I can judge they never made any arrests, never
  brought in a prisoner, never initiated proceedings resulting in a
trial.

  Windschuttle's lack of acquaintance with the sources shows up in other
  ways as well. In his article (Herald, September 19) he arrives at the
  conclusion that most Aborigines were not killed in massacres but in
ones
  and twos. But that has been obvious to anyone who has worked in the
  field. It should be known to secondary school history students. I have
  never suggested anything else. Indeed, that's the whole point. 

  On the Australian frontier there was ongoing, sporadic, low-scale
conflict
  which went on all over the continent for 140 years. It is therefore
hardly
  surprising that the numbers killed mounted up. This was apparent to
  almost everyone who wrote on the subject in the 19th century - those
who
  advocated shooting blacks (and there were many of them) and those who
  railed against it.

  Edward Cuir, the best-informed 19th-century observer of frontier
  conditions, wrote: "In the first place the meeting of the Aboriginal
tribes of
  Australia and the White pioneer results as a rule in war, which lasts
from
  six months to 10 years."

  We should welcome any attempt to reinterpret the past but to be
credible
  it has to be based on more than a politically inspired canter through
a small
  selection of secondary sources.

  Henry Reynolds is an author and historian.
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