Alan,
A state law that conditioned aid on not maintaining a Kosher kitchen
would seem to discriminate on the basis of religion and to lack a
compelling state interest.  The Saturday operation condition might be
treated as neutral on its face.  If so, wouldn't Smith  apply?
Brian

>>> [EMAIL PROTECTED] 03/02/2004 2:29:47 PM >>>
I think a soup kitchen affiliated with a Synagogue can receive funds
from 
the state to feed the hungry and also have the free exercise right not
to 
operate on Saturday or to maintain a Kosher kitchen. Do you disagree,
Brian?

I do agree that a religious organization that receives direct subsidies

from the state must accept conditions accompanying those subsidies --
even 
if the condition violates the institutions religious commitments. But 
that's not what the WCEA does.

Alan Brownstein
UC Davis


At 02:37 PM 3/2/2004 -0600, you wrote:
>Brian raises an important question:
>I think Catholic Charities, like many religious institutions, will
have to 
>make a choice at this point, one that they have
>been pushed to by the law for the past three decades; do they want to

>continue receiving public monies, in which case they may
>have to describe themselves as secular organizations, or do they want
to 
>proclaim their religious character, get the
>exemption, and then lose the funding.  (Alternatively, I suppose they

>could just drop drug coverage for their employees, but
>they claim that would be unjust.)  My hope is that they will do the 
>latter, with the unintended (?) consequence of the law
>being that a lot of disadvantaged people will lose support.  (Unless 
>funding is supplied by private donations...)
>
>Richard Dougherty
>University of Dallas
>
>Brian Landsberg wrote:
>
> > The question posed was whether Catholic Charities were "religion." 
If
> > so, they would have qualified for an exemption from the rule.
> >
> > If they are a religion, as they insist, should that affect their
> > eligibility to participate in state and federal programs?
> >
> > >>> [EMAIL PROTECTED] 03/02/2004 6:20:00 AM >>>
> > Several postings have suggested that any accommodation that imposes
a
> > burden
> > on third parties is unconstitutional. Why should this be so? A
failure
> > to
> > accommodate burdens the rights of religious individuals or
> > institutions. Why
> > should there be an inflexible rule that where there are
unavoidably
> > burdens
> > on one party or the other, the burdens must inevitably be borne by
the
> > religious side to the dispute? In this regard it should be noted
that
> > in the
> > California case, the burden on Catholic Charities was one of
principle,
> > the
> > burden on employees was merely financial (They had to pay for
their
> > own
> > contraceptives; Catholic Charities was not firing persons who used
> > contraceptives). What is it (except ,perhaps ,deference to the
> > democratic
> > process) that  makes all seem to assume that even in this context,
the
> > burden on religion must yield to the secular burden?
> > Marc Stern
> >
> > -----Original Message-----
> > From: [EMAIL PROTECTED] 
> > [mailto:[EMAIL PROTECTED] Behalf Of
> > [EMAIL PROTECTED] 
> > Sent: Tuesday, March 02, 2004 8:49 AM
> > To: [EMAIL PROTECTED] 
> > Subject: Re: Locke v. Davey and expanded free exercise rights
> >
> > I think Alan has made an interesting point here.  The footnote
states
> > that
> > "at least in some respects, [Washington's] constitution provides
> > greater
> > protection of relgious liberties than the Free Exercise Clause."
> > First, I
> > don't think it is unconstitutional for state constitutions,
anymore
> > than the
> > First Amendment, to require strict scrutiny in certain
circumstances,
> > so
> > long as there is an  establishment principle at work as well.  The
goal
> > is a
> > balance of power between church and state, and that can be
achieved
> > via
> > different calculations.  There is no state that provides strict
> > scrutiny in
> > every circumstance under its state constitution, just as there was
> > never a
> > rule at the Supreme Court that strict scrutiny applied in every
> > circumstance.  It is beyond cavil that such a regime is
intolerable.
> > This
> > footnote would have worried me had it spoken approvingly of a
regime
> > in
> > which every law affecting religious entities is subject to strict
> > scrutiny.
> >
> > Second, the footnote is speaking to judicially crafted
interpretations
> > of
> > the free exercise clause.  It does not speak to the proper
conditions
> > for
> > legislative accommodation.  Proper legislative accommodation
requires
> > a
> > weighing of the special privilege to avoid the law against the harm
to
> > the
> > public interest.  The sort of blind accommodation at the base of
RFRA
> > and
> > RLUIPA made it impossible for members of Congress to engage in
this
> > calculus.  The failure to consider the public interest and to only
> > focus on
> > the benefit to religion shows that the law has an improper
purpose.
> >
> > Marci
> >
> > Sorry for not being clearer, Marci. I'm not focusing on the holding
in
> > Locke but only on the note about expansive free exercise rights
under
> > the
> > Washington constitution. I thought from some earlier posts quite a
> > while
> > back that you believed that religious exemptions that were not
limited
> > to
> > specific problems violated the Establishment Clause -- and that
this
> > was
> > one of your concerns with RFRA and RLUIPA. These laws created
across
> > the
> > board exemptions, not a situation specific exemption. They applied
to
> > too
> > many different activities and circumstances. (I may have gotten
your
> > position on this wrong. Obviously, if I did the rest of my
question
> > will
> > not make a lot of sense.)
> >
> > State constitutions that provide broader and more rigorous
protection
> > for
> > free exercise rights than the federal constitution seem to me to
accept
> > an
> > across the board standard for religious exemptions. They typically
> > apply a
> > rule that requires some form of rigorous review to laws or
individual
> > assessments that substantially burden the exercise of religion. I
> > would
> > assume that if a state statute that creates an across the board
> > exemption
> > violates the Establishment Clause, a state constitutional
provision
> > that is
> > interpreted to apply a similar exemption standard would also
violate
> > the
> > Establishment Clause.
> >
> > I read Locke as commenting favorably on the expansive protection
> > provided
> > by the Washington constitution's free exercise clause. The Court
seemed
> > to
> > suggest that play in the joints applied to both free exercise and
> > establishment clause values and that the fact that the state
provided
> > greater protection under the state's free exercise clause than the
> > federal
> > constitution required helped to justify the Court's establishment
> > clause
> > holding.
> >
> > I don't suggest that these state constitutional interpretations
are
> > identical to RFRA or RLUIPA. Merely that they apply broadly to laws
or
> > individual assessments that substantially burden the exercise of
> > religion.
> > So my question is -- Do you believe that free exercise provisions
in
> > state
> > constitutions that provide more rigorous protection than Smith and
> > apply
> > generally and broadly violate the Establishment Clause -- and if
so,
> > does
> > the Court's language in Locke undercut such an argument.
> >
> > Alan Brownstein
> > UC Davis
> >
> > _______________________________________________
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>
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