Two questions Tom:
1. Are the vouchers you contemplate truly equally available ,or will
they be accompanied by restrictions that some groups cannot live with(IE
open admissions requirements)?

2. If a larger percentage of students attend various private schools,
will there be enough common ground to hold the society together?(I
recognize that without vouchers only the well off can take advantage of
provide education,a point against the current system)
Marc Stern


-----Original Message-----
From: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
[mailto:[EMAIL PROTECTED] On Behalf Of Berg, Thomas C.
Sent: Thursday, August 25, 2005 3:02 PM
To: Law & Religion issues for Law Academics
Subject: RE: Hostility

It'll take me a while to respond to some of these points, but let me
quickly
pick up on the last one.  I do think that it is unfortunate that many
people
-- even some judges -- tend to view Religion Clause positions as either
"pro-religion" or "anti-religion," so that school prayer, school choice,
free exercise exemptions, etc. all go hand in hand.  (You either vote
"for
religion" or vote "against it.")  I have some hope -- now I'm the
hopeful
one! -- that circumstances will push us our society away from the path
of
government pursuing its favored religion in its schools, but toward the
path
of government giving equal status in education benefits to all faiths
along
with nonreligious schools (public and private).  I am encouraged by the
fact
that the Court has moved decidedly in this direction in recent years.  I
believe, and am writing a book manuscript to this effect, that there are
strong social, cultural, and intellectual factors that help explain the
Court's direction.  I realize that, as Alan points out, several of the
pro-school-choice justices also favor allowing some forms of official
school
prayer; but O'Connor, Kennedy, and to some extent Rehnquist are or were
not
in favor of this.  Moreover, beyond the views of individual justices, I
hope
and expect that the effects of stare decisis will entrench this
distinction:
I expect that over the next few years both Zelman and, say, Lee v.
Weisman
will be followed rather than overruled or significantly cut back.  I
hope,
then, that the solidifying of the distinction in these precedents
between
government's favored faith and equal treatment for faith will also,
indirectly, strengthen the distinction in the attitudes of the general
population.
 
Along with Rick Duncan, I also expect that -- as a practical matter --
if
more people disaffected from public schools on religious grounds can
afford
to use private schools because of school choice, then fewer people will
have
reason to seek religious observances in public schools.  It won't
eliminate
those efforts, obviously, but I expect it will reduce them.
 
Tom Berg  

  _____  

From: A.E. Brownstein [mailto:[EMAIL PROTECTED]
Sent: Thu 8/25/2005 12:04 PM
To: Law & Religion issues for Law Academics
Subject: RE: Hostility



I think "religious apartheid" and "religious fragmentation" have very 
different meanings. 
But putting that issue aside for the moment, the questions Tom asks are 
certainly fair and important ones. 

I certainly don't know if there is significant empirical literature that

responds to his questions  -- and I lack the expertise 
to evaluate what may be available. 

But let me offer a few responses that are not based on empirical
studies. 

1. The intuition that our children benefit from getting to know children
of 
other races, ethnic groups, and religions 
is a pretty powerful one. Tom's own question reflects it when he notes
that 
Catholic schools are more racially 
diverse than public schools. Why should we care about that unless we
think 
that interactions with others 
of a different background or ethnicity matters. 

Of course, other factors contribute to how well children will socialize 
with others too. What kids are taught at 
school and at home is pretty critical. So are other factors. 

2. As to how many parents will choose private schools for their kids,
I'm 
not sure how much we can learn from the results of any one program, like

the Cleveland program at issue in Zelman. 
But there is something of a disconnect here. On the one hand, I'm told
that 
the culture war is pervasive. There is no common ground. 
The public schools will always be a battleground among warring parents
over 
the education of their children. It is intolerable 
to have children subjected to values or theories that are inconsistent
with 
the values of their parents. 

But then I'm told, Don't worry about vouchers because hardly anyone is 
going to use them to attend private schools anyway. 
One of the reasons I worry that government aid to religious schools and 
other religious social programs will be fragmenting is that I listen to
the 
arguments of 
people who support those programs, many of whom are much less moderate
than 
Tom. 

3. As for interreligious tension in other Western democracies that
provide 
substantial state aid to religious schools. 
I can't point to empirical studies. But I think there is considerably
more 
interreligious tension and less religious equality in many Western 
democracies than exists in the U.S. It's complicated. It gets mixed in
with 
racial, ethnic, and immigration issues. I would not 
suggest that the government's funding of religious schools is its
primary 
cause. But I think we have done a lot better job in creating a society
in 
which people of different faiths can live together than most other
countries. 

4. And speaking of empirical studies, where are the studies, here or 
abroad, that suggest that government aid to religious schools is going
to
solve 
the problems we have been discussing about religion and values in the 
public schools. Most of the countries I am familiar with that fund 
religious schools also 
involve religion in the public schools in one way or another. I don't
see 
any clear inverse connection drawn between government funding of private

religious institutions and government promotion of religion in the
public 
sector itself -- with government funding of private religious
institutions 
necessarily reducing the promotion of religion in public "secular" 
institutions. It is also common, I believe, for government funding of 
private religious institutions and government promotion of religion in
the 
public sector to go hand in hand. Certainly, that is the pattern we see
on 
the U.S. Supreme Court. The same Justices that support allowing the 
government to fund religious institutions that will use government money

for religious purposes also support allowing the government itself to 
endorse religion. I understand that isn't Tom's position. But if we are 
talking about what is likely to happen rather than what should happen,
it 
is not at all clear to me that the adoption of voucher programs will 
markedly reduce attempts to have government endorse religion in schools
or 
elsewhere. 

Alan Brownstein 
UC Davis 

 

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