Please allow me to qualify that:   The principal issue in *TLC* is whether
the basic "no *direct funding *to churches" rule found in approximately
half of states' constitutions -- a rule that was, indeed, a bedrock
requirement of the Court's *Establishment Clause *doctrine until very
recently (and perhaps it still is, at least as a matter of precedent) -- is
now unconstitutional.



On Thu, May 5, 2016 at 1:20 PM, Marty Lederman <lederman.ma...@gmail.com>
wrote:

> I don't think I understand Mark's questions about weddings and generally
> applicable conditions on tax benefits, none of which are raised by *Trinity
> Lutheran*.  The principal issue here is whether the basic "no aid to
> churches" rule found in approximately half of states' constitutions -- a
> rule that was, indeed, a bedrock requirement of the Court's *Establishment
> Clause *doctrine until very recently (and perhaps it still is, at least
> as a matter of precedent) -- is now unconstitutional.
>
> On Thu, May 5, 2016 at 1:14 PM, Scarberry, Mark <
> mark.scarbe...@pepperdine.edu> wrote:
>
>> I suppose there's a baseline question here, along with an
>> unconstitutional conditions issue and probably other issues. Could a
>> synagogue be required to allow a wedding to be held on its property between
>> a Jew and a non-Jew, as a condition of receiving protection of its property
>> by a fire department? (I realize that not all synagogues would oppose such
>> a mixed marriage.) Or of receiving a building permit on an equal basis with
>> other organizations (absent RLUIPA)? Freedom of religion (along with other
>> freedoms) means little if the ordinary benefits of our society can be
>> denied to a person or group because of the exercise of that freedom. The
>> Bob Jones case is either an outlier or an example of a benefit (tax
>> treatment as a charity) that is not an ordinary benefit.
>>
>> We were all assured that the same-sex marriage issue could never be the
>> basis for application of Bob Jones. That assurance seems, in Nixonian
>> terms, to have become inoperative.
>>
>> Of course a person or group that receives benefits from a government
>> ordinarily does not as a result become a state actor for equal protection
>> purposes; I assume no one is arguing to the contrary, absent a government
>> function or symbiosis concern.
>>
>> Mark
>>
>> Mark S. Scarberry
>> Pepperdine University School of Law
>>
>> Sent from my iPad
>>
>> On May 5, 2016, at 9:33 AM, Marty Lederman <lederman.ma...@gmail.com>
>> wrote:
>>
>> As I understood Michael's observation, it was that the topside briefs in 
>> *Trinity
>> Lutheran* argue at great length that churches, as such, can virtually
>> never be disfavored vis-a-vis similarly situated secular institutions,
>> under both the Free Exercise and Equal Protection Clauses -- whereas the
>> writers of those briefs would, of course, strongly argue that a legislature
>> generally can, and sometimes must, treat churches *more favorably* than
>> such secular institutions.  His fear, as I understood it (but perhaps I
>> misunderstood him), was that the emphasis on formal equality in the briefs
>> might prompt the Court to settle upon a holding closer to strict formal
>> equality than it has ever previously announced -- which could be damaging
>> to claims for permissive accommodations (akin to the fears raised by the
>> "HHS can't favor churches" argument of the petitioners in *Zubik*).
>>
>> On Thu, May 5, 2016 at 11:58 AM, Volokh, Eugene <vol...@law.ucla.edu>
>> wrote:
>>
>>>         Hasn't that ship sailed already?  We know from Bob Jones that
>>> religious universities are subject to loss of their charitable tax
>>> exemption if they discriminate, and that the government indeed can and does
>>> use the threat of withdrawing funds as a means for changing church policy.
>>> Maybe in some super-pure world whether religious institutions didn't even
>>> get tax exemptions, they could resist such restrictions.  But even there,
>>> of course, the government would have broad power to impose restrictions,
>>> just in its capacity as sovereign and even without funding; recall, for
>>> instance, the New Jersey wedding venue case, where a church-owned venue was
>>> held subject to antidiscrimination law even without any funding hook.
>>>
>>>         Surrendering any Free Exercise Clause claims to equal treatment
>>> in funding, as a means of trying to strengthen their claims to autonomy,
>>> would be a poor choice for churches, I think.  Those who want to impose
>>> antidiscrimination laws on churches and church-owned organizations
>>> generally aren't terribly interested in giving churches such autonomy,
>>> whether or not churches get equal access to generally available benefits.
>>>
>>>         Eugene
>>>
>>> > -----Original Message-----
>>> > From: religionlaw-boun...@lists.ucla.edu [mailto:religionlaw-
>>> > boun...@lists.ucla.edu] On Behalf Of Michael Peabody
>>> > Sent: Thursday, May 05, 2016 8:47 AM
>>> > To: Law & Religion issues for Law Academics <
>>> religionlaw@lists.ucla.edu>
>>> > Subject: Trinity Lutheran Church - will churches have to extend "equal
>>> > protection" to all when it comes to use?
>>> >
>>> > In reading the briefs on the Trinity Lutheran Church case, I see a lot
>>> of reference
>>> > to churches being denied "equal protection" when state laws
>>> specifically prohibit
>>> > them from participating in otherwise neutral state aid programs that
>>> are
>>> > available to other civic institutions. Yet churches often vigorously
>>> argue that
>>> > they are exempt from "equal protection" when it comes to access to
>>> their
>>> > facilities.
>>> >
>>> > But in turn, let's say that Trinity wins the case - does that mean
>>> that churches
>>> > that receive the funding could be subject to discrimination claims
>>> brought by
>>> > citizens who are prohibited from accessing the infrastructure, or are
>>> > discriminated against while on the infrastructure, because the church
>>> teaches
>>> > against their protected class (i.e. religion, gender, sexual
>>> orientation, etc.)?
>>> >
>>> > I'm thinking that churches that argue for equal protection when it
>>> comes to
>>> > compelling state funding of their institutions, and claim that they
>>> should be on
>>> > an equal footing when it comes to similar secular civic organizations,
>>> should
>>> > recognize that civic organizations are also held to a higher standard
>>> when it
>>> > comes to discrimination claims.
>>> >
>>> > Churches that receive funding and simultaneously seek to reserve the
>>> right to
>>> > discriminate should expect that they will be held to the same
>>> non-discrimination
>>> > standards as other civic organizations as a condition of receiving
>>> such funding
>>> > and that they will need to take "equal protection" into account when
>>> it comes to
>>> > people and other organizations which seek to access and use churches'
>>> state-
>>> > funded infrastructure.
>>> >
>>> > Put simply, could Trinity Lutheran Church be a Trojan Horse?
>>> >
>>> > I would be interested in your thoughts.
>>> >
>>> > Michael Peabody, Esq.
>>> > ReligiousLiberty.TV
>>> > _______________________________________________
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>>
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