TURKMEN LEADER TO KEEP LID ON DEMOCRACY  Pledge to create a stronger, more 
independent parliament comes to nothing.  By IWPR staff in London

KYRGYZSTAN STEELS ITSELF FOR SLOWDOWN  Government unveils anti-crisis plan as 
bankers and builders say they are feeling the knock-on effects of international 
economic crisis.  By Igor Gorbachev and Yrys Kadykeev in Bishkek

KAZAK COTTON FARMERS' POOR PROSPECTS  Falling purchase prices leave farmers in 
debt and some are abandoning the cotton business.  By Oxana Sivtsova in 
Shymkent and Marik Koshabaev in Almaty

KAZAKSTAN: KIDS FLEE ABUSIVE CARE HOMES  High incidence of “escapes” from 
children’s homes indicates serious problems.  By Anton Dosybiev in Almaty


NEW PROJECT: CENTRAL ASIA RADIO: http://iwpr.net/centralasiaradio
IWPR’s weekly radio programmes for Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan provide analysis 
and comment on current political and social themes in each country.  

2008 WINNERS OF THE KURT SCHORK AWARDS: http://iwpr.net/kurtschork 

CENTRAL ASIA PROGRAMME HOME: http://iwpr.net/centralasia 

IWPR COMMENT: http://iwpr.net/comment 


**** www.iwpr.net 

REPORTING CENTRAL ASIA RSS: http://www.iwpr.net/en/rca/rss.xml 

RECEIVE FROM IWPR: Readers are urged to subscribe to IWPR's full range of free 
electronic publications at: http://iwpr.net/subscribe 

GIVE TO IWPR: IWPR is wholly dependent upon grants and donations. For more 
information about how you can support IWPR go to: http://iwpr.net/donate 

**** www.iwpr.net 


Pledge to create a stronger, more independent parliament comes to nothing.

By IWPR staff in London

The first session of Turkmenistan’s new parliament suggests that President 
Gurbanguly Berdymuhammedov plans to maintain tight control over the 
institution, commentators interviewed by IWPR. 

Members of parliament elected in the December polls gathered on January 9 for 
the launch of a new legislature which has 125 seats instead of the previous 65, 
under constitutional changes passed in September. 

The old parliament or Mejlis, as constituted under the late president 
Saparmurat Niazov, had no real powers and was simply there to sign off on 
decisions by the head of state. Decision-making powers, albeit nominal, were 
vested in the Halk Maslahaty or People’s Council, a 2,500-member assembly which 
convened occasionally to rubber-stamp major decisions. 

As part of the reforms he instituted after Niazov’s death in December 2006 and 
his own election the following February, Berdymuhammedov abolished the Halk 
Maslahaty in September last year, handing much of its authority over to a 
revised version of the Mejlis, which was duly elected in December in what the 
president termed “true evidence of Turkmenistan’s commitment to wide-ranging 
democratic reforms”. 

During his time in office, Berdymuhammedov has announced the start of 
democratic reforms, changed the constitution, and created a system in which the 
legislature, executive and judiciary are supposed to be independent and equal 
branches of power. 

These apparently major reforms to the political structure offered a glimmer of 
hope that the authorities might be serious about delivering on their promise of 
change. No one expected this to happen overnight, or that the new parliament 
would shake off the president’s grip, but there was an expectation among some 
observers that it would begin exercising a limited degree of independence. 

“In the autumn, we were hoping the soon-to-be-elected Mejlis would not be a 
puppet parliament,” said one observer in the Lebap region of eastern 

Such hopes faded following the December ballot, which local analysts say were 
carefully orchestrated and rigged. (See Turkmen Election Reveals Depressingly 
Familiar Abuses, NBCentralAsia, 15-Dec-08.) 

The first session of parliament was similarly disappointing. Although the 
constitution gives members the right to nominate candidates for the post of 
Mejlis chairman, as well as to set up parliamentary committees, the Turkmen 
president took matters into his own hands, nominating the outgoing speaker for 
the job. 

Akjy Nurberdyeva was duly elected, unanimously. 

Berdymuhammedov went on to recommend that legislators set up five committees – 
for human rights and liberties, for science, education and culture, for 
economics and social policy, for international and inter-parliamentary 
relations, and for local government affairs. He also nominated a head for each 

“It’s nonsense,” said a representative of an international organisation in 
Ashgabat, who asked to remain anonymous. “All the branches of power are 
controlled by one person. What does Turkmenistan need a constitution for, 

An analyst in the Balkan region of western Turkmenistan said this was a 
“monstrous” distortion of the principle of the separation of powers. Any hope 
of democracy had been destroyed, he said. 

“President Berdymuhammedov displayed an autocratic intolerance of the opinions 
and initiatives of others, and to top it all, of the law,” he said. 

Other analysts say it is unrealistic to expect the leadership to adhere to the 
constitution, since in Turkmenistan, the law has always existed only on paper. 

“You need to understand this,” said a journalist working for a government 
publication. “Berdymuhammedov has to have confidence in the people who hold key 
positions, even in the legislature. So he nominates all the candidates 

For example, he said, the speaker Nurberdyeva is an “excellent conduit” who is 
prepared to carry out Berdymuhammedov’s every order, even if this goes counter 
to her own principles. 

He recalled that Nurberdyeva was first appointed acting speaker to replace 
Ovezgeldy Atayev, who was arrested soon after Niazov’s death, and she went on 
to back Berdymuhammedov to the hilt. 

“The president’s actions make absolute sense,” concluded the journalist. 

Other analysts say that given the flawed manner in which they were elected, 
there is little chance that the newly-elected members of parliament will prove 
effective or that they will attempt to exercise their powers. 

“Members of parliament will exercise their new powers only with the president’s 
say-so,” said an observer from Dashoguz in northern Turkmenistan. “Should the 
Mejlis try to do anything on its own, this initiative will be crushed.” 

Apart from the right to change the constitution and call elections, the Mejlis 
has powers to ratify and denounce international treaties, deal with issues 
relating to the state border and internal administrative divisions. At the 
president’s request, it can also appoint and dismiss the head of the Supreme 
Court, the prosecutor general, and the interior and justice ministers. 


Government unveils anti-crisis plan as bankers and builders say they are 
feeling the knock-on effects of international economic crisis.

By Igor Gorbachev and Yrys Kadykeev in Bishkek

As the Kyrgyz government takes steps to counter the effects of international 
financial crisis, analysts say the banking and construction sectors are already 
feeling the pinch. 

In December, the government approved a set of measures designed to ensure 
economic stability through the current period of turbulence. The three-pronged 
strategy will seek to boost economic growth, bring inflation down to 
single-digit figures and insulate the most vulnerable sections of the 

The International Monetary Fund, IMF, has approved a special loan of 100 
million US dollars to fund the programme. 

Expectations of a slowdown are reflected in the IMF’s prediction that growth 
will fall to 3.7 per cent in 2009 compared with an estimated 7.5 per cent last 

President Kurmanbek Bakiev spelled out how his government plans to stimulate 
growth at a meeting in early December 1. According to his press office, 
government money will be injected into new construction projects around the 
country to create jobs and offset unemployment. 

Although it is clear from the government’s published economic programme that it 
is well aware of the economic risks, official statements are carefully tailored 
to avoid any sense of panic. At a cabinet meeting in mid-November, for example, 
Bakiev said, “We are having a difficult situation due to global economic and 
financial crisis. But nevertheless, there are no grounds for talking about a 
catastrophic crisis in our country.” 

The minister for economic development and trade, Akylbek Japarov, was 
reportedly reprimanded for expressing his concerns in blunt terms in early 

“Our state is effectively on the verge of the financial crisis. The economic 
situation in Kyrgyzstan may worsen in February-March 2009,” he said. 

Economists note that because the Kyrgyz economy is relatively isolated, it was 
not immediately exposed to the crisis. Local banks did not borrow from abroad, 
and the country does not have a well-developed stock market. 

That led the deputy chairman of the central bank, Kubanychbek Bokontaev to 
state confidently that “Kyrgyzstan’s banking system will not be hit by the 
financial crisis as badly as Russia, Kazakstan or China were”. 

Nevertheless, economists say that far from being immune, the country is already 
suffering in a number of ways. 

In recent years, Kazakstan’s successful banking sector has branched out into 
its smaller neighbour, and now accounts for 60 per cent of the basic assets of 
banks in Kyrgyzstan, according to that country’s central bank. 

Since late 2007, Kazak banks have been pulling in their horns after finding 
themselves dangerously exposed with high levels of borrowing on the 
international market. That has had knock-on effects on their Kyrgyz operations. 

Rita Karasartova, a lecturer in the finance department of Kyrgyzstan’s Academy 
of Management, explained how the commercial banks were locked together in a web 
of transactions and as these operations slowed, interest rates could rise and 
banks would run short of money to lend. 

She added, “Even a psychological environment in which people are thinking about 
where to put their money… will prompt them to withdraw it from the banking 

To counter the risks to the commercial banking sector, President Bakiev issued 
a decree on January 8 ordering the create of a new “refinancing fund”, which 
will use money from the central bank to keep local banks solvent. Central bank 
chairman Marat Alapaev said the fund will offer short-term loans to commercial 
banks if they run into liquidity problems. 

One area where banks and the economy as a whole have seen a downturn in 
cashflow is the remittances that Kyrgyz labour migrants send home from abroad. 
Depending on the time of year, there are perhaps half a million of these 
people, mostly in Russia but increasingly also in oil-rich Kazakstan, 

Unofficial estimates put the number of Kyrgyz migrants working abroad at 
500,000. Many work in the construction industry, which has boomed in those 
countries in recent year but has been one of the first areas to feel the crunch 
as credit availability has collapsed. 

For a poor country like Kyrgyzstan, the sums they send home are substantial, 
and many households are kept afloat by this money, as are the businesses they 
buy from. 

Adam Beishenaly, head of economic analysis with the government’s financial 
markets regulator, said that in 2007, migrant remittances were put at over one 
billion dollars, equivalent to the country’s gold and foreign currency 

In a December 22 statement, economic development minister Japarov sounded an 
upbeat note about the state of the remittances, noting that they had grown. 
However, his statement referred only to figures for the first nine months of 
2008, omitting the last quarter when job losses really started to bite in the 
migrant labour market abroad. 

In an extensive report in December, IWPR found that there was no evidence of a 
mass exodus of migrant workers from Russia and Kazakstan yet, as even those 
made unemployed were keen to hang on for as long as they could. However, the 
prediction was that the real job crunch might only make itself felt in the 
spring, when building companies normally take on new workers for the season. 
(See Testing Times for Central Asian Migrants, RCA No. 557, 01-Dec-08.) 

Kyrgyzstan’s construction industry is already in recession, according to the 
chairman of the national association of builders, Askarbek Moldobaev, who says 
40 per cent fewer buildings were put up in 2008 than the year before. 

Karasartova agreed, saying, “Even now it is clear that work at some 
construction sites has halted, and this could mean job losses.” 

The slowdown in the sector both here and in Kazakstan has had the perverse 
effect of increasing demand and prices for building materials, because these 
are being produced in smaller amounts. 

“Our costs have gone up because of the increased price of building materials, 
as well as general price rises,” said the director of a building firm in 
Bishkek. “The pace of construction has now slowed, and we’re hoping we can at 
least complete our ongoing projects and after that we’ll stop borrowing and not 
expand our business.” 

It is significant that in a country where a popular uprising has ousted the 
then president Askar Akaev in 2005, more people are now worried about recession 
than about a repetition of the political upheaval. 

In an opinion poll conducted by the International Republican Institute last 
month, over 40 per cent of respondents said their main concern was economic 
crisis, in contrast to a previous survey which suggested most people feared 
social unrest and revolution. 

Igor Gorbachev is a correspondent with the online news agency 24.kg. Yrys 
Kadykeev is a pseudonym for a journalist in Bishkek. 


Falling purchase prices leave farmers in debt and some are abandoning the 
cotton business.

By Oxana Sivtsova in Shymkent and Marik Koshabaev in Almaty

Farmers in Kazakstan’s main cotton-growing region say falling prices on top of 
last year’s poor weather conditions are making it increasingly untenable for 
them to stay in business. 

They accuse the government of not doing more to help them, but officials say 
farmers need to learn to survive on their own in a competitive commercial 

As harvesting drew to a close in November, officials estimated that the final 
figure for the whole of Kazakstan would be 330,000 tons, a quarter down on the 
previous year’s figure of nearly 450,000 tons.

In the course of 2008, farmers in the southern region where most Kazak cotton 
is grown had to contend with hail which forced them to re-plant their crops. 
This was followed by a lack of rain and a shortage of river water to irrigate 
the fields.

By autumn, they found that the average price they could expect to be paid for 
their cotton by commercial buyers had fallen from 60 tenge last year to 50 
tenge a kilogram, or less than five US cents, and as fuel and other costs were 
still rising, they could not balance their books. 

Purchase prices have fallen because of the decline in demand for cotton on 
world markets as economies slow.

The head of the local agriculture department in Shardara district, Turanbek 
Ospanov, said the best sort of cotton was fetching 56 tenge, and second-best 
was less than that.

“Prices for the crop are such that any farmer can go bust in a short space of 
time,” said Sadu Bekenov, who owns a large cotton-farming cooperative. “They 
have to live on something, feed their families and think of the future.”

Farmers with less land have fewer options for keeping their businesses 
sustainable as things get tighter. 

Aybek and his family, for example, works a small plot of land in the Makhtaaral 
district. He borrowed money to buy tractor fuel and fertiliser last spring, but 
then found himself short of water to keep the crop alive. 
Lower-than-anticipated buyers’ prices then meant he was unable to recoup his 
debt-funded initial investment.

Like other farmers in South Kazakstan region, he depends on irrigation water 
from the Druzhba canal, which in turn is fed by the Syr Darya river, 
originating in Kyrgyzstan. 

This major Central Asian river is the source of constant dispute between 
Kazakstan and Uzbekistan, on the one hand, which need as much water as possible 
over the growing season, and Kyrgyzstan on the other, which tries to store a 
certain amount in its reservoirs to generate hydroelectricity. 

Aybek blames his own government for not securing enough water from Kyrgyzstan. 

“The shortage of irrigation water is a direct consequence of our officials’ 
failure to reach agreement with the Kyrgyz,” he said. “And it’s the peasants 
who suffer.”

Farmers also say a promise by the government to buy some cotton at a fixed 
price of 67 tenge a kilogram – higher than the market average – has not really 

To take one district, Shardara, as an example, government agencies bought less 
than 3,000 of the total 80,000 tons produced. 

Aybek found the government quota had been filled by the time he was ready to 

“I don’t know who managed to sell their harvest at the government prices. My 
neighbours and I had to sell it cheap, and we were unable to repay our debts,” 
he said.

Unlike neighbouring Uzbekistan, where the state is the monopoly buyer, the 
Kazak cotton industry is run along commercial lines, meaning that in good years 
farmers do much better than their Uzbek counterparts. The downside is that when 
prices fall, they are on their own.

Bekenov said that when farmers have asked the Kazak government to review cotton 
pricing on previous occasions, “They told us that this was a market with its 
own laws, and we must live by them.”

Local agriculture official Ospanov, confirmed what many farmers have been 
saying – that it was becoming uneconomic to work the less productive fields. 

“Already some farms are abandoning fields where the yield is low,” he said. 
“They think it doesn’t make sense to harvest [the cotton] as it will cost too 
much. You need to get at least two tons per hectare to make it worth growing 
cotton, and the costs are high because fuel and fertiliser have become more 

An agricultural expert who asked not to be named predicted that the trend would 

“I think the cotton sowing [area] will be curtailed substantially next year 
because, even with support from the government, farmers won’t be able to make a 
profit if prices stay the same,” he said.

As well as price fluctuations, the expert pointed to what he sees as inherent 
flaws in the structure of cotton farming in Kazakstan. He believes there are 
too many small farms which work their land over-intensively and plant poorer 
grades of seed, all of which makes their product uncompetitive. 

He argues that to benefit from economies of scale, small units would do better 
to amalgamate.

“No small farm in isolation can afford good-quality seeds, secure irrigation 
water or carry out proper crop rotation,” he said.

Bakhytjan Bayjumartov, head of the new technologies department in the 
provincial agricultural agency for South Kazakstan region, insists government 
is responding to farmers concerns, and plans to increase subsidies to farms 
that plant cotton. 

“Whereas the state allocated 6,000 tenge per hectare [in 2008], in the coming 
year it plans to provide 22,000 tenge [180 dollars] per hectare,” he said. 

At the same time, Bayjumartov warned that farmers should expects more water 
shortages over the coming growing season.

Oxana Sivtsova is a reporter in Shymkent and Marik Koshabaev is an 
IWPR-trained” journalist in Almaty.


High incidence of “escapes” from children’s homes indicates serious problems.

By Anton Dosybiev in Almaty

Dima struggles to remember how many times he has run away from the children’s 
home in Almaty, Kazakstan’s second city. He says the reason he absconds so 
often is that he is regularly mistreated there.

Just 13, Dima says he is liable to be hit or deprived of food for the slightest 
misdemeanour at the children’s home. 

“I got punished for tipping a bowl of porridge over during dinner by accident,” 
he said. “I had to kneel in the corner all night.” 

Inevitably, he is always picked up by the police after spending some time on 
the streets, and faces a different punishment every time he is brought back to 
the home. Once he had to clean the toilets for a week, another time he had to 
sleep in a cold room, and he has also been beaten.

Dima’s story reflects the experiences of many children in care in Kazakstan, as 
IWPR discovered in interviews with children and staff at state-run homes. 

Further evidence of ill-treatment in children’s homes was provided by a report 
last October by Kazakstan’s prosecution service. 

A carer who gave her first name as Alma told IWPR, “I’ve been working at the 
home for only a year, but I want to leave. I can’t watch all the shocking 
things that happen there.”

She said mistreatment was widespread, arguing, “The attitude to the children is 
entirely incompatible with the rules of teaching – it’s normal to clip them 
round the head, and misbehaviour is punished in very inhumane ways. One boy who 
was involved in a fight was taken outside into the cold without any warm 
clothes. He fell ill afterwards and had to be hospitalised.”

The care home worker also alleged that the children were not fed properly.

“They are fed very poorly – they only get good food when someone arrives to do 
an inspection and everyone knows about it in advance,” she said. “The 
management and staff steal food from the canteen, and the children are given 
what’s left.”

Alma said she could well understand why children try to get away from places 
like this. 

“They don’t want to live here; I wouldn’t be able to stand it myself, and 
children are very sensitive,” she said.

Dima says he started running away from care institutions when he was seven. His 
mother is an alcoholic who is no longer in contact, and he has never known his 

He relishes his brief spells of freedom, when he teams up with other boys in 
the same predicament.

“When I’m living in the city, I and the other boys sleep in basements – it’s 
warm down there,” he said.

As a minor, he cannot legally work, but he does whatever it takes to survive on 
the streets. 

“Sometimes you do something [an odd job] at the market and you get food or a 
bit of money,” he said. “Mostly we beg for money, and use it to buy a hot dog 
or a kebab, which I especially like.” 

Every time Dima runs away he hopes he will not have to go back. 

“I don’t want to stay locked up indoors – all the doors in our orphanage are 
locked and there are high walls around it like a prison,” he said. “We see 
other children out for a walk with their parents or by themselves – it’s so 

His temporary freedom only lasts until the next of the regular police raids 
that conducted in all major cities as part of a policy of preventing crime and 
tackling homelessness among minors.

“Raids are conducted twice a month at locations where children in the at-risk 
category congregate – railway stations, markets, basements and attics,” Colonel 
Aigul Shopshekbaeva, deputy head of department for public security in the 
Almaty police force, told IWPR. “We have a map where we mark all such places in 
every district.” 

She said that as a first port of call, the police take the children to 
temporary holding and rehabilitation centres. “About 2,000 kids are sent there 
every year,” she said, referring to figures for Almaty only. “Most of them, 80 
per cent, are from the ‘near abroad’ – Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan and Tajikistan – 
as well as from the [Kazakstan] provinces,” she said. 

Saule Abizova, the head of a children’s home in Almaty, claimed that it was 
only “difficult” children from particularly dysfunctional families who made a 
habit of running away.

The vast majority of the children in her home were not orphans but instead had 
relatives who could not or would not look after them, she said, adding that 
such children often had not had much schooling and were “prone to vagrancy, 
theft and crime”.

Alma disagreed that all the runaways had an “inclination to vagrancy”. 

“There are simply children who have an acute sense of justice, and that’s why 
they run away,” he said. “Those who’ve already had a taste of freedom won’t be 
deterred by any punishment.”

Abizova’s description of the problem is not shared by the national prosecution 
service, either. It issued a stinging account of the state of child services in 
Kazakstan in October. 

The result of 18 months’ work on child crime and homelessness, including spot 
checks on care facilities, the report cited cases where mistreatment was the 
prime reason for children running away to a life on the streets, where they 
were vulnerable to abuse.

“Where children were absent, the management at these institutions explained 
this by saying they had left of their own accord,” said the prosecution service 
statement. “However, the inspections established that escapes were frequently a 
consequence of illegal actions by staff members in these institutions.”

The inspections led to a criminal case against the head of a children’s home in 
Semey, northeastern Kazakstan. 

In central Almaty, Panfilov Park is a favourite gathering place for street 
children. The Cathedral of the Resurrection is located there, and a Russian 
Orthodox priest there, Father Alexander, tries to do what he can for them.

In his view, “The children run away because of the situation in the homes. 
Children like this come often to our cathedral and I have a feeling that no one 
cares about them. They tell me they feel unwanted.”

He added, “They don’t ask for much, mostly food and clothes, and we help them.”

Bolat, a taciturn boy IWPR met near the cathedral, said he ran away because 
things were so bad at the home, and the older boys there beat him up.

“It’s cold now, so I don’t stay away from the home for long,” he said. “It’s 
very nice here, beautiful trees and kind people who go to church – they give us 
money and sweets.”

Some childcare experts believe the only long-term solution is to get more 
children from homes placed in families. 

Arujan Sain, who heads a children’s charity called the Voluntary Charity 
Society, whose Russian acronym DOM means “home”, criticised the current 
adoption process in Kazakstan for being too cumbersome.

“People in Kazakstan are queuing up to adopt a child,” she said. “At the same 
time, there are tens of thousands of children in children’s homes. Our 
legislation stands between the children and those who want to take them into 
their families.”

Sain is also unhappy with rules that give preference to the natural parents, 
whatever their circumstances, which can mean a child is not eligible for 

“Instead of protecting the rights of the child, the state is defending the 
rights of the biological parents who really have no need for those rights,” she 

The children’s home worker Alma believes that even state-run institutions could 
be reformed into more homely, child-oriented units. 

“The only solution…. is to create conditions closely resembling the family 
environment,” she said. “Children should be loved and treated as individuals. 
No one would even dream of mistreating their own children like this.”

(Names of children have been changed to protect their identity.) 

Anton Dosybiev is an IWPR-trained journalist in Almaty.

**** www.iwpr.net 

REPORTING CENTRAL ASIA provides the international community with a unique 
insiders' perspective on the region. Using our network of local journalists, 
the service publishes news and analysis from across Central Asia on a weekly 

The service forms part of IWPR's Central Asia Project based in Almaty, Bishkek, 
Tashkent and London, which supports media development and encourages better 
local and international understanding of the region.

IWPR's Reporting Central Asia is supported by the UK Community Fund. The 
service is published online in English and Russian. 

The opinions expressed in Reporting Central Asia are those of the authors and 
do not necessarily represent those of the publication or of IWPR.

REPORTING CENTRAL ASIA: Editor-in-Chief: Anthony Borden; Managing Editor: Yigal 
Chazan; Senior Editor: John MacLeod; Editor: Caroline Tosh; Central Asia 
Editor: Saule Mukhametrakhimova; Programme Director: Kumar Bekbolotov.

IWPR PROJECT DEVELOPMENT AND SUPPORT: Executive Director: Anthony Borden; 
Strategy & Assessment Director: Alan Davis; Chief Programme Officer: Mike Day.

**** www.iwpr.net 

IWPR is an international network of four organisations which are governed by 
boards of senior journalists, peace-building experts, regional specialists and 
business professionals.

IWPR builds democracy at the frontlines of conflict and change through the 
power of professional journalism. IWPR programmes provide intensive hands-on 
training, extensive reporting and publishing, and ambitious initiatives to 
build the capacity of local media. Supporting peace-building, development and 
the rule of law, IWPR gives responsible local media a voice.

IWPR - Africa, P.O. Box 3317, Johannesburg 2121
Tel: +2 711 268 6077

IWPR - Europe, 48 Gray’s Inn Road, London WC1X 8LT, UK
Tel: +44 20 7831 1030

IWPR – United States, 1616 H. Street, Washington, DC 20006, United States
Tel: +1 202 449 7663

Stichting IWPR Nederland, Eisenhowerlaan 77 K, 2517 KK Den Haag, The Netherlands
Tel: +31 70 338 9016

For further details on this project and other information services and media 
programmes, go to: www.iwpr.net 

ISSN: 1477-7924 Copyright © 2008 The Institute for War & Peace Reporting 

**** www.iwpr.net 

If you wish to change your subscription details or unsubscribe please go to:  

Reply via email to