assault was deliberate attempt to curb free speech.  By Mirgul Akimova in 


Central Asia's most authoritarian states will take time to repair. IWPR staff 
in Central Asia 


KAZAKSTAN'S NEW PASSPORTS TO SHOW ETHNICITY  Government changes mind and rules 
that passports can show ethnic origin after all. By Daulet Kanagatuly in Almaty 


outcasts in their community because of fear and ignorance of HIV.  By Sabyr 
Abdumomunov in Osh 




NEW PROJECT: CENTRAL ASIA RADIO: http://iwpr.net/centralasiaradio 

IWPR's weekly radio programmes for Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan provide analysis 
and comment on current political and social themes in each country. 


2008 WINNERS OF THE KURT SCHORK AWARDS: http://iwpr.net/kurtschork 


CENTRAL ASIA PROGRAMME HOME: http://iwpr.net/centralasia 


IWPR COMMENT: http://iwpr.net/comment 




**** www.iwpr.net 


REPORTING CENTRAL ASIA RSS: http://www.iwpr.net/en/rca/rss.xml 


RECEIVE FROM IWPR: Readers are urged to subscribe to IWPR's full range of free 
electronic publications at: http://iwpr.net/subscribe 


GIVE TO IWPR: IWPR is wholly dependent upon grants and donations. For more 
information about how you can support IWPR go to: http://iwpr.net/donate 


**** www.iwpr.net 



Media-watchers fear brutal assault was deliberate attempt to curb free speech.


By Mirgul Akimova in Bishkek 


A brutal attack which left a Kyrgyz reporter in intensive care with multiple 
stab wounds is the most alarming sign yet that journalists in this Central 
Asian state face high risks when they report on controversial political issues, 
media analysts say.


Syrgak Abdyldaev was attacked late on March 3, close to the offices of Reporter 
Bishkek, the newspaper for which he is political observer.


Sultan Kanazarov, who set the newspaper up, told IWPR that the reporter was 
left with 23 knife wounds and both arms broken. 


Reporter Bishkek's chief editor Turat Akimov said, "Abdyldaev's condition has 
improved today [March 5] and he's been moved out of intensive care into a 
general ward. He's had two operations for a fractured shoulder and two broken 


The Kyrgyz interior ministry, responsible for the police force, said a case of 
attempted murder had been opened. The ministry's chief spokesman Rahmatillo 
Ahmedov told the Bishkek Press Club that police were working to identify 
Abdyldaev's attackers. 


Media-watchers in the country have little doubt that the attack on their 
colleague is directly related to his work as a journalist on an independent 
paper. They describe this as the latest and worse in a serious of attempts to 
curb freedom of speech in Kyrgyzstan. 


"There's no way a casual criminal like a robber would have inflicted 30 knife 
wounds," said Marat Tokoev, who heads the national Association of Journalists 
in Kyrgyzstan. 


Isa Omurkulov, a member of parliament from the opposition Social Democrats, 
spoke to Abdyldaev on March 4 and told IWPR afterwards, "He said he'd been 
followed that day. This was no casual attack; it was deliberate." 


Reporter Bishkek editor Kanazarov is convinced the attack was designed to send 
a message to the newspaper and other media outlets like it. 


"The very public nature of this attack, on a busy crossroads not far from the 
newspaper's offices, plus the fact that these were professionals who knew how 
to maim someone... amount to a strong hint to our newspaper to stop writing 
about politics," he said.


Kanazarov said his colleague Abdyldaev wrote exclusively about politics, and 
not about murky business deals, for example, which might have prompted 
reprisals from the underworld. 


Among the subjects he covered were a recent deal with Russia to secure a major 
investment in a Kyrgyz energy project, and also two apparently 
politically-related disappearances last September - that of Social Democratic 
member of parliament Ruslan Shabotoev, and a week earlier that of Bakhtiar 
Amirjanov, the son of Jusup Jeenbekov, another Social Democratic MP.


According to Kanazarov, "There is now an unprecedented level of pressure 
against journalists in Kyrgyzstan who write about issues from a different angle 
than one that the authorities would deem desirable. I really fear for the lives 
of other staff on our paper, as well as the freelance writers who work for us." 


He cited the case of one of his freelancers, Habira Majieva, who sought 
political asylum in Sweden after an attempted assault on her following a 
controversial article that appeared in November. 


He insisted, "We're in no way an opposition newspaper. We will criticise any 
political group and any tendency, if there's a real reason to do so." 


Alexander Kulinsky, who heads a non-government commission that examines 
complaints about the media, was reluctant to comment on the case before the 
police finish their investigation, but noted that numerous assaults on 
journalists have taken place over the last couple of years. 


"There were about 30 in 2006 and 2007, and six or seven in 2008," he said. "Not 
one of these cases has resulted in a court passing sentence or ordering 


He added that these figures compared unfavourably with the situation under 
Askar Akaev, the former president ousted in a March 2005 revolution, when 
physical attacks on media workers were rare. 


Interior Minister Moldomusa Kongantiev has taken personal charge of the 
investigation, although some in the media community are sceptical that it will 
come to anything.


"Ministers have taken charge of cases involving attacks on journalists several 
times already, but not one has been solved yet, nor have the criminals been 
taken to court," commented Tokoev. "The public is getting the impression that 
attacks on journalist take place with impunity." 


Like other media workers and analysts, Tokoev fears attacks such as the one on 
Abdyldaev will have the desired deterrent effect - making journalists censor 
themselves to avoid suffering a similar fate. 


"This case may drive others away from active journalism to writing about social 
affairs, simply to protect their own personal security," he said. "What that 
will mean is that the public stops getting objective information and will be 
left scrabbling around in the dark."


Eduard Poletaev, chief editor of the Mir Yevrazii journal in Kazakstan who is 
familiar with the Kyrgyz political scene, suspects attacks on journalists may 
be intensifying in the run up to the presidential election due in Kyrgyzstan 
either this year or next. 


In Central Asian states, he says, "at times of intense political activity and 
ahead of important political events, there's a purge of people who might harm 
the election campaign or strike a note that resonates with the public. 


There are signs that the authorities are already stepping up the pressure on 
media outlets. 


More and more journalists are being called into the State Committee for 
National Security for what are officially termed "friendly chats". They include 
Reporter Bishkek's editor Akimov and Vadim Nochevkin of the popular Delo No. 


The De Facto and Alibi newspapers were forced to close last year under the 
weight of numerous court actions. Many observers see such lawsuits as a tactic 
which the authorities can deploy indirectly without being seen to be taking 
overt politically-motivated action themselves.


Mirgul Akimova is the pseudonym of a freelance journalist in Bishkek.




Troubled relations between Central Asia's most authoritarian states will take 
time to repair.


IWPR staff in Central Asia 


Turkmen president Gurbanguly Berdymuhammedov's talks in Uzbekistan last week 
focused on seeking common ground on issues like water, energy and regional 
security. Although the last two years have seen a thaw in the difficult 
relationship between these two states, analysts say there is some way to go 
before they really open up to one another. 


The Turkmen leader's visit to Tashkent on February 24-25 was his second since 
he came to power two years ago. Uzbekistan's Islam Karimov has also visited 


Berdymuhammedov's predecessor, Saparmurat Niazov, froze relations after 
accusing the Uzbeks of complicity in an assassination attempt against him in 
November 2002. In a sign of the improvement achieved over the last year or so, 
Berdymuhammedov attended the opening ceremony of a new Turkmen embassy building 
in Tashkent. 


The formal outcome of the talks was a number of agreements to improve 
cooperation on border security, crime-fighting and extradition matters. 


The two leaders also went out of their way to demonstrate their shared vision 
of two key issues - sharing the region's water and promoting stability in their 
southern neighbour Afghanistan. 


At a press conference at the end of the visit, the Uzbek president said he and 
his Turkmen counterpart had a similar outlook on how Central Asia's water 
resources should be used. He warned that plans by Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan to 
build hydroelectric power stations on the rivers Amu Darya and Syr Darya, 
respectively, could create water shortages in the downstream states - 
Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan and Kazakstan. 


"We share a common approach based on the need to take into account the views of 
all states located along transnational waterways, and the need to observe... 
international law when implementing hydroelectric projects on the Amu Darya and 
Syr Darya rivers," said Karimov, in remarks quoted by the Kazinform news 


For his part, Berdymuhammedov said Turkmenistan was against anything that might 
reduce the flow of transnational rivers and said proper assessments needed to 
be carried out first. 


Uzbekistan has long been concerned about the Tajik and Kyrgyz plans to build 
more dams on the two rivers, fearing that this would starve it of vital 
irrigation water. The Uzbek economy depends on cotton, and the country is the 
world's second-largest exporter. 


Like its neighbour, Turkmenistan - a largely desert state - is dependent on 
water from the Amu Darya and earns significant export revenues from cotton. 


There have been signs that the Uzbeks are considering a shift away from simple 
obstruction of Tajik and Kyrgyz energy projects. At a cabinet meeting in 
February, Karimov said his country would be prepared to invest in them if they 
could be proved to be both commercially feasible and environmentally sound. 


On Afghanistan, Karimov and Berdymuhammedov announced publicly that they were 
prepared to offer logistical supply routes for NATO's operations in 


Uzbekistan is to allow freight of a non-military nature to cross its territory 
by two land routes - one by rail leading via Tajikistan to the Afghan border, 
and a direct road connection to the Uzbek frontier town of Termez. Turkmenistan 
is to allow NATO planes carrying cargo, again of a non-military nature, to fly 
through its airspace. 


These arrangements appear to have been concluded when General David Petraeus, 
the head of the United States military's Central Command, visited both 
countries earlier this year. The fact that the two presidents used their joint 
press conference to firm up some of the details suggest they wanted to 
demonstrate they were coordinating their support for the western effort in 
Afghanistan. (For a report on this issue, see Turkmen, Uzbeks to Help NATO's 
Afghan Effort.) 


Washington has been forced to look for alternative supply routes in Central 
Asia following the Kyrgyz government's decision to close down the US military 
airbase in that country, at a time when the Americans plan to boost their 
presence in Afghanistan. 


Although neither Berdymuhammedov nor Karimov made a statement on energy 
matters, analysts say they have also secured each other's support to protect 
their interests in this area. 


Currently, most of the Turkmen gas exported to Russia is transported by the 
Central Asia-Centre pipeline which passes through Uzbekistan. The Russians want 
to boost Turkmen export capacity in anticipation of rich new deposits coming on 
stream, while another pipeline taking Turkmen gas to China will also go through 
Uzbek territory. 


A Tashkent-based economist told IWPR that the two countries needed to work 
closely together on their export strategies. 


"There is an acute need to coordinate pricing policy both for the transit and 
sale of gas, so high-level meetings are essential," he said. 


A common approach would strengthen the individual positions of Uzbekistan and 
Turkmenistan in dealing with other Central Asian states and with Russia. 


But while the Uzbek and Turkmen leaders are willing to negotiate on areas of 
mutual interest, commentators say there are still many underlying problems in 
the relationship. 


One practical area where many issues remain unresolved concerns people on 
either side of the long Turkmen-Uzbek border who want to visit or trade with 
one another, some of whom are diaspora members who find themselves living on 
the "wrong" side of a rigidly controlled frontier. 


"Visa requirements [for citizens of each country] are an obstacle to the 
development of relations," said an observer based in northeastern Turkmenistan. 


Attempts to simplify border procedures for people wishing to visit relatives in 
the other country for short periods have foundered, he added. 


Ibadulla Narimov, a 60-year-old Uzbekistan national, said he had to pay the 
equivalent of six US dollars to visit Turkmenistan for three days. 


"For us, that's a lot of money," he said. 


Commentators say cross-border trade has yet to revive despite the diplomatic 


"There is no border trade as such, as the frontier is closed," said the 
observer in northeast Turkmenistan. "Agreements on promoting border trade and 
setting up free trade zones were signed during meetings between Niazov and 
Karimov, but nothing has come of it." 


He explained, "Each side is trying to protect its own economic interests by 
introducing stupid bans. For example, Uzbekistan bans Turkmen food [imports]. 
All foodstuffs such as bread, pasta, meat, wheat and cooking oil are 
confiscated by customs officials." 


For their part, the Turkmen authorities forbid exports of petroleum products to 
Uzbekistan, where these items can be sold for a mark-up. 





Government changes mind and rules that passports can show ethnic origin after 


By Daulet Kanagatuly in Almaty 


Questions remain as to why the Kazak government gave into demands to provide 
space for specifying one's ethnic origin on the country's new biometric 
passports, after initially leaving the feature off.


The first passports were already being issued when a government decree of 
February 13 stated that the documents would be changed to include the option of 
entering the ethnic group one belongs to, known here as "nationality" as 
opposed to citizenship.


Justice ministry officials had earlier argued that the category - a feature of 
the pre-2009 passport, and also the old Soviet document - was not required 
internationally, and that Kazakstan citizenship was the only thing that counted.


The government's volte face followed a complaint from members of parliament who 
argued that specifically Kazak ethnic identity would be downgraded if it was 
not formally recognised in the national identity document.


The initial protest came from Bekbolat Tileukhan, a member of party from the 
governing Nur Otan party, who complained to the justice ministry that removing 
the ethnic origin section was an insult to Kazak identity. 


His action prompted an open letter to the authorities from more than 80 
politicians and other prominent figures who argued that the passport was part 
of a plan to forge a "Kazakstan nation" to the detriment of the various peoples 
who inhabit the country. Two leading opposition figures- the United Social 
Democrats' leader Jarkmakhan Tuyakbaev and the Azat party's Bulat Abilov - 
added their voices to the protest.


The issue was raised in parliament on January 15, with members calling for 
ethnic identity to be restored. 


As ruler of this post-Soviet state with its substantial community of Russians 
and other Slavs, President Nursultan Nazarbaev has sought to build a sense of 
Kazakstan citizenship which all groups can buy into, while also promoting Kazak 
language and culture. There seems little evidence to support the complaint that 
a strong Kazakstan identity is intended to efface ethnic background. 


In the past, Nazarbaev's officials have not generally been over-sensitive when 
members of the public have voiced concerns over a particular policy decision. 
Why, then, did they move so fast when they received complaints about a decision 
to issue passports designed to meet international standards?


The authorities themselves have provided no explanation for their change of 
heart. However, an anonymous source in government told IWPR that a conscious 
decision had been made that officials should become more responsive to 
complaints from the public, given the economic difficulties Kazakstan is facing 
as a result of the international financial crisis.


"At a government meeting at the end of last year, [Prime Minister] Karim 
Masimov said that in this period of crisis, members of the government and of 
parliament should pay heed to complaints and petitions from citizens to prevent 
a rise in protest sentiment," said the source. "The prime minister stressed 
that the protest mood should not be allowed to grow to a massive scale right 
now. So citizens' complaints and petitions must be dealt with promptly, and 
people must be informed what measures have been taken to deal with these."


This softly-softly approach appears to have been applied in a number of other 
cases. For instance, in January, Prime Minister Masimov instructed the 
education ministry to delay the introduction of a new system for checking on 
teachers' performance, following complaints that the computer-based tests had 
been brought in too quickly. And in February, the education ministry announced 
that extra funds would be made available to grant loans to students threatened 
with expulsion because they had not paid tuition fees. 


Some analysts in Kazakstan have criticised the government for its hasty policy 
reversal on the passport issue. They point out that formally recording ethnic 
origin can lead to discrimination, as sometimes happened in the Soviet Union, 
from which Kazakstan inherited the practice.


Dosym Satpaev, director of Risk Assessment Group, argued that the authorities 
should stand firm in creating an inclusive state. He cited France as an example 
of a state where citizenship counts above all else.


"One might follow the principle applied in France where citizens of any ethnic 
origin consider themselves French if they live in France and respect and obey 
its laws," he said.


Others suggested the protests reflected only a minority of opinion in the 
country as a whole.


"I cannot say that there has been a wide-scale protest in society to demand the 
restoration of the ethnicity section," said political analyst Eduard Poletaev. 


Poletaev argued that the majority of Kazakstan citizens did not oppose the 
dropping of the "nationality" clause, and said opponents of the move probably 
failed to understand that it was done for completely pragmatic reasons rather 
than out of a desire to undermine a sense of ethnic identity. 


The reason the government chose to back down, he said, was because it feared a 
"rise in tensions in society caused by a variety of circumstances".


On the streets of Almaty, Kazakstan's former capital and biggest city, opinion 
was divided about the usefulness of recording ethnicity.


"If we want to create a civilised country, we should start living like one," 
said 33-year-old resident Tokhtar Kaldybaev. "For a start, the ethnicity 
section should be abolished. Passports are designed for travel to other 
countries, where no one cares about your ethnic origin.".


A taxi driver who gave his first name as Aleksei voiced concern that the 
passport now showed ethnic identity but the text was only in Kazak and English 
versions, whereas Russian, which also has official status in Kazakstan, was 
ignored. This, he suggested undermined the concept of a truly united Kazakstan,


"They have already divided us into rich and poor, and now our society is to be 
divided along ethnic lines," he said.


Kazakstan was required to introduce biometric passports as a condition of 
membership of the International Civil Aviation Organisation, for which it 
applied last year. The agency's requirements do not include a statement of 
ethnic origin. 


The new passports use facial recognition, based on a digital image of the 
holder stored on a computer chip contained in the document, offering protection 
against forged papers.


Around 2,700 passports were issued from their introduction on January 5 to the 
time the government changed the requirements. 


Ethnic origin can now be entered on a voluntary basis in a section entitled 
"Notes", but that piece of information not be stored on the chip.


By Daulet Kanagatuly is an IWPR-trained journalist in Almaty.




Families become virtual outcasts in their community because of fear and 
ignorance of HIV. 


By Sabyr Abdumomunov in Osh 


Two families with HIV-infected children say they have had to leave their homes 
in southern Kyrgyzstan because of the humiliation they have suffered at the 
hands of fellow-villagers and even relatives. 


The families are among those affected by a wave of HIV cases in 2007, when 
women and children in the Osh region were infected with the virus after 
undergoing treatment at public hospitals. 


The fact that two families felt forced to move away highlights the stigma 
attached to HIV infection, as well as the general lack of awareness about how 
the virus affects people.


"All of our relatives have completely stopped visiting us," said the mother of 
an HIV-positive child from Osh region, who has moved to the north of Kyrgyzstan.


The other family relocated to a different village in the south. A lawyer 
representing 25 families, Fatima Habibullina, said others would like to leave 
as well, but cannot afford to. 




In 2007 and 2008, 80 new HIV cases were recorded in the Nookat and Karasuu 
districts of Osh region alone. Most involved children aged between two months 
and two years. Eight mothers were also infected. Since the husbands in these 
households tested negative, the evidence pointed to hospitals as the source of 


Over the past two years, six of the children have died from HIV/AIDS related 


An official investigation conducted after the mass infections were identified 
found that the virus was transferred via the repeated use of unsterilised 
medical instruments.


Fourteen doctors at state hospitals were charged with negligence and with the 
offence of infecting patients.


When the case came to trial last August, the Osh regional court stripped ten of 
the doctors of their right to practice and gave them suspended sentences of 
between three and five years. The other four were acquitted for lack of 


On February 24, after an appeals process and legal action mounted by parents 
dissatisfied with the outcome, Kyrgyzstan's Supreme Court upheld all the 
decisions passed by the lower court. 




For women who are HIV-positive themselves or have children who are, life in the 
village has become increasingly difficult as family and friends shun them, 
depriving them of important social networks.


"Almost everybody in the village knows that these families have HIV-positive 
children," said Habibullina, who works for the Rainbow Information Centre, an 
Osh-based group that provides HIV-positive people with legal advice. 


One mother who has an 18-month-old baby carrying the HIV virus, said, "There is 
a tradition in the village that if you run out of bread, you can borrow it from 
your neighbours. However, our neighbours know there's an HIV-infected child in 
our family and they don't want to drink tea at our house, accept bread from us 
or even greet us."


"There have been many times when our older children have come home crying," she 


Another woman, who also has a child carrying HIV, said, "When I walk along the 
street, children start shouting, 'She's got AIDS'. I don't care about the 
neighbours, but many of our relatives won't invite us to family celebrations 
and they forbid their children to come to our house." 


Erik Ryskulov, a lawyer defending one of the doctors charged with negligence, 
said the reason why the names of those infected became so widely known was that 
patient confidentiality was not observed properly. 


According to Habibullina, six of the eight HIV-positive women were driven from 
their homes by their husbands. They are now living in rented flats, which 
non-government groups are helping to pay for, or at crisis centres and with 


Aygul Ismailova of the National AIDS Centre, a government agency, said that 
many of the husbands believed their wives had infected the children. 


Sultan Mamytov, also from the Rainbow centre, says a move elsewhere will be 
good for the children involved, but that "on the other hand, there is no 
guarantee that rumours about their illness will not spread in the new 
locations. These families will always have to live in some isolation from 




Official figures indicate that HIV cases are on the rise in Kyrgyzstan 
generally. In late January, a national forum of groups involved in HIV 
prevention heard that of the 2,031 cases currently captured by the statistics, 
550 date from 2008 alone. 


Experts speak of significant discrimination against people living with HIV, 
which they attribute mainly to public ignorance about the nature of the virus.


The Adilet Legal Clinic reports discriminatory behaviour when people seek 
medical treatment, apply for jobs, attend leisure facilities, and send their 
children to kindergartens. 


Kyrgyz NGOs are working to raise awareness. The Rainbow group, for example, is 
about to publish illustrated books providing clear explanations about HIV/AIDS 
which it will distribute in rural areas. It will also arrange meetings with 
schoolchildren, teachers and parents to discuss HIV-related issues. 


Speaking at the HIV forum in January, Boris Shapiro of the government committee 
which is coordinating state and non-state work in this area, said, "Thanks to 
the NGOs, every schoolchild now knows about HIV infection and methods of 
preventing it". 


While the NGOs clearly have a role to play, Mamytov believes public education 
initiatives should be driven by government.


Ismailova, from the government's AIDS centre, accepts that more needs to be 
done to tackle discrimination, but says it will take time for attitudes to 
change as HIV was a taboo subject until recently.


"The population of Kyrgyzstan has had very little time to assimilate this 
information and deal with it," she explained. "There used to be a deep-rooted 
stereotype that AIDS is a terrible disease that's generally prevalent among sex 
workers and drug addicts."


Ismailova said discrimination was common among healthcare professionals, 
leading to some patients being denied treatment.


"There have been cases when medical staff turned HIV-positive patients away 
from hospitals because doctors were afraid of being infected," she said.


Ryskulov warned that the cases identified so far might be just the tip of the 
iceberg, and said things would only get worse if the authorities continued to 
deal with outbreaks by singling out doctors for blame and prosecution, 


"Many doctors are saying they get paid a pittance and then face [criminal 
charges] for doing their job," he said, warning that medical workers were 
likely to leave in droves.


Sabyr Abdumomunov is a stringer for Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty's Kyrgyz 


**** www.iwpr.net 


REPORTING CENTRAL ASIA provides the international community with a unique 
insiders' perspective on the region. Using our network of local journalists, 
the service publishes news and analysis from across Central Asia on a weekly 


The service forms part of IWPR's Central Asia Project based in Almaty, Bishkek, 
Tashkent and London, which supports media development and encourages better 
local and international understanding of the region.


IWPR's Reporting Central Asia is supported by the UK Community Fund. The 
service is published online in English and Russian.


The opinions expressed in Reporting Central Asia are those of the authors and 
do not necessarily represent those of the publication or of IWPR.


REPORTING CENTRAL ASIA: Editor-in-Chief: Anthony Borden; Managing Editor: Yigal 
Chazan; Editor: Caroline Tosh; Central Asia Editor: Saule Mukhametrakhimova; 
Programme Director: John MacLeod 


IWPR PROJECT DEVELOPMENT AND SUPPORT: Executive Director: Anthony Borden; 
Strategy & Assessment Director: Alan Davis; Chief Programme Officer: Mike Day.


**** www.iwpr.net 


IWPR is an international network of four organisations which are governed by 
boards of senior journalists, peace-building experts, regional specialists and 
business professionals.


IWPR builds democracy at the frontlines of conflict and change through the 
power of professional journalism. IWPR programmes provide intensive hands-on 
training, extensive reporting and publishing, and ambitious initiatives to 
build the capacity of local media. Supporting peace-building, development and 
the rule of law, IWPR gives responsible local media a voice.


IWPR - Africa, P.O. Box 3317, Johannesburg 2121

Tel: +2 711 268 6077


IWPR - Europe, 48 Gray's Inn Road, London WC1X 8LT, UK

Tel: +44 20 7831 1030


IWPR - United States, 1616 H. Street, Washington, DC 20006, United States

Tel: +1 202 449 7663


Stichting IWPR Nederland, Eisenhowerlaan 77 K, 2517 KK Den Haag, The Netherlands

Tel: +31 70 338 9016


For further details on this project and other information services and media 
programmes, go to: www.iwpr.net


ISSN: 1477-7924 Copyright © 2008 The Institute for War & Peace Reporting


**** www.iwpr.net 


If you wish to change your subscription details or unsubscribe please go to:  


Reply via email to