WELCOME TO IWPR'S REPORTING CENTRAL ASIA, No. 568 Part 1, March 06, 2009
KYRGYZ JOURNALISTS IN SHOCK AT ATTACK ON COLLEAGUE Media-watchers fear brutal assault was deliberate attempt to curb free speech. By Mirgul Akimova in Bishkek TURKMEN, UZBEKS EDGE CLOSER ON COMMON CONCERNS Troubled relations between Central Asia's most authoritarian states will take time to repair. IWPR staff in Central Asia KAZAKSTAN'S NEW PASSPORTS TO SHOW ETHNICITY Government changes mind and rules that passports can show ethnic origin after all. By Daulet Kanagatuly in Almaty SPECIAL REPORT: STIGMA SURROUNDS HIV IN KYRGYZSTAN Families become virtual outcasts in their community because of fear and ignorance of HIV. By Sabyr Abdumomunov in Osh **** IWPR RESOURCES ****************************************************************** NEW PROJECT: CENTRAL ASIA RADIO: http://iwpr.net/centralasiaradio <https://mail.iwpr.net/exchweb/bin/redir.asp?URL=http://iwpr.net/centralasiaradio> IWPR's weekly radio programmes for Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan provide analysis and comment on current political and social themes in each country. 2008 WINNERS OF THE KURT SCHORK AWARDS: http://iwpr.net/kurtschork <https://mail.iwpr.net/exchweb/bin/redir.asp?URL=http://iwpr.net/kurtschork> CENTRAL ASIA PROGRAMME HOME: http://iwpr.net/centralasia <https://mail.iwpr.net/exchweb/bin/redir.asp?URL=http://iwpr.net/centralasia> IWPR COMMENT: http://iwpr.net/comment <https://mail.iwpr.net/exchweb/bin/redir.asp?URL=http://iwpr.net/comment> SAHAR JOURNALISTS' ASSISTANCE FUND: http://iwpr.net/sahar <https://mail.iwpr.net/exchweb/bin/redir.asp?URL=http://iwpr.net/sahar> **** www.iwpr.net ******************************************************************** REPORTING CENTRAL ASIA RSS: http://www.iwpr.net/en/rca/rss.xml <https://mail.iwpr.net/exchweb/bin/redir.asp?URL=http://www.iwpr.net/en/rca/rss.xml> RECEIVE FROM IWPR: Readers are urged to subscribe to IWPR's full range of free electronic publications at: http://iwpr.net/subscribe <https://mail.iwpr.net/exchweb/bin/redir.asp?URL=http://iwpr.net/subscribe> GIVE TO IWPR: IWPR is wholly dependent upon grants and donations. For more information about how you can support IWPR go to: http://iwpr.net/donate <https://mail.iwpr.net/exchweb/bin/redir.asp?URL=http://iwpr.net/donate> **** www.iwpr.net ******************************************************************** KYRGYZ JOURNALISTS IN SHOCK AT ATTACK ON COLLEAGUE Media-watchers fear brutal assault was deliberate attempt to curb free speech. By Mirgul Akimova in Bishkek A brutal attack which left a Kyrgyz reporter in intensive care with multiple stab wounds is the most alarming sign yet that journalists in this Central Asian state face high risks when they report on controversial political issues, media analysts say. Syrgak Abdyldaev was attacked late on March 3, close to the offices of Reporter Bishkek, the newspaper for which he is political observer. Sultan Kanazarov, who set the newspaper up, told IWPR that the reporter was left with 23 knife wounds and both arms broken. Reporter Bishkek's chief editor Turat Akimov said, "Abdyldaev's condition has improved today [March 5] and he's been moved out of intensive care into a general ward. He's had two operations for a fractured shoulder and two broken arms." The Kyrgyz interior ministry, responsible for the police force, said a case of attempted murder had been opened. The ministry's chief spokesman Rahmatillo Ahmedov told the Bishkek Press Club that police were working to identify Abdyldaev's attackers. Media-watchers in the country have little doubt that the attack on their colleague is directly related to his work as a journalist on an independent paper. They describe this as the latest and worse in a serious of attempts to curb freedom of speech in Kyrgyzstan. "There's no way a casual criminal like a robber would have inflicted 30 knife wounds," said Marat Tokoev, who heads the national Association of Journalists in Kyrgyzstan. Isa Omurkulov, a member of parliament from the opposition Social Democrats, spoke to Abdyldaev on March 4 and told IWPR afterwards, "He said he'd been followed that day. This was no casual attack; it was deliberate." Reporter Bishkek editor Kanazarov is convinced the attack was designed to send a message to the newspaper and other media outlets like it. "The very public nature of this attack, on a busy crossroads not far from the newspaper's offices, plus the fact that these were professionals who knew how to maim someone... amount to a strong hint to our newspaper to stop writing about politics," he said. Kanazarov said his colleague Abdyldaev wrote exclusively about politics, and not about murky business deals, for example, which might have prompted reprisals from the underworld. Among the subjects he covered were a recent deal with Russia to secure a major investment in a Kyrgyz energy project, and also two apparently politically-related disappearances last September - that of Social Democratic member of parliament Ruslan Shabotoev, and a week earlier that of Bakhtiar Amirjanov, the son of Jusup Jeenbekov, another Social Democratic MP. According to Kanazarov, "There is now an unprecedented level of pressure against journalists in Kyrgyzstan who write about issues from a different angle than one that the authorities would deem desirable. I really fear for the lives of other staff on our paper, as well as the freelance writers who work for us." He cited the case of one of his freelancers, Habira Majieva, who sought political asylum in Sweden after an attempted assault on her following a controversial article that appeared in November. He insisted, "We're in no way an opposition newspaper. We will criticise any political group and any tendency, if there's a real reason to do so." Alexander Kulinsky, who heads a non-government commission that examines complaints about the media, was reluctant to comment on the case before the police finish their investigation, but noted that numerous assaults on journalists have taken place over the last couple of years. "There were about 30 in 2006 and 2007, and six or seven in 2008," he said. "Not one of these cases has resulted in a court passing sentence or ordering punishment." He added that these figures compared unfavourably with the situation under Askar Akaev, the former president ousted in a March 2005 revolution, when physical attacks on media workers were rare. Interior Minister Moldomusa Kongantiev has taken personal charge of the investigation, although some in the media community are sceptical that it will come to anything. "Ministers have taken charge of cases involving attacks on journalists several times already, but not one has been solved yet, nor have the criminals been taken to court," commented Tokoev. "The public is getting the impression that attacks on journalist take place with impunity." Like other media workers and analysts, Tokoev fears attacks such as the one on Abdyldaev will have the desired deterrent effect - making journalists censor themselves to avoid suffering a similar fate. "This case may drive others away from active journalism to writing about social affairs, simply to protect their own personal security," he said. "What that will mean is that the public stops getting objective information and will be left scrabbling around in the dark." Eduard Poletaev, chief editor of the Mir Yevrazii journal in Kazakstan who is familiar with the Kyrgyz political scene, suspects attacks on journalists may be intensifying in the run up to the presidential election due in Kyrgyzstan either this year or next. In Central Asian states, he says, "at times of intense political activity and ahead of important political events, there's a purge of people who might harm the election campaign or strike a note that resonates with the public. There are signs that the authorities are already stepping up the pressure on media outlets. More and more journalists are being called into the State Committee for National Security for what are officially termed "friendly chats". They include Reporter Bishkek's editor Akimov and Vadim Nochevkin of the popular Delo No. paper. The De Facto and Alibi newspapers were forced to close last year under the weight of numerous court actions. Many observers see such lawsuits as a tactic which the authorities can deploy indirectly without being seen to be taking overt politically-motivated action themselves. Mirgul Akimova is the pseudonym of a freelance journalist in Bishkek. TURKMEN, UZBEKS EDGE CLOSER ON COMMON CONCERNS Troubled relations between Central Asia's most authoritarian states will take time to repair. IWPR staff in Central Asia Turkmen president Gurbanguly Berdymuhammedov's talks in Uzbekistan last week focused on seeking common ground on issues like water, energy and regional security. Although the last two years have seen a thaw in the difficult relationship between these two states, analysts say there is some way to go before they really open up to one another. The Turkmen leader's visit to Tashkent on February 24-25 was his second since he came to power two years ago. Uzbekistan's Islam Karimov has also visited Ashgabat. Berdymuhammedov's predecessor, Saparmurat Niazov, froze relations after accusing the Uzbeks of complicity in an assassination attempt against him in November 2002. In a sign of the improvement achieved over the last year or so, Berdymuhammedov attended the opening ceremony of a new Turkmen embassy building in Tashkent. The formal outcome of the talks was a number of agreements to improve cooperation on border security, crime-fighting and extradition matters. The two leaders also went out of their way to demonstrate their shared vision of two key issues - sharing the region's water and promoting stability in their southern neighbour Afghanistan. At a press conference at the end of the visit, the Uzbek president said he and his Turkmen counterpart had a similar outlook on how Central Asia's water resources should be used. He warned that plans by Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan to build hydroelectric power stations on the rivers Amu Darya and Syr Darya, respectively, could create water shortages in the downstream states - Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan and Kazakstan. "We share a common approach based on the need to take into account the views of all states located along transnational waterways, and the need to observe... international law when implementing hydroelectric projects on the Amu Darya and Syr Darya rivers," said Karimov, in remarks quoted by the Kazinform news agency. For his part, Berdymuhammedov said Turkmenistan was against anything that might reduce the flow of transnational rivers and said proper assessments needed to be carried out first. Uzbekistan has long been concerned about the Tajik and Kyrgyz plans to build more dams on the two rivers, fearing that this would starve it of vital irrigation water. The Uzbek economy depends on cotton, and the country is the world's second-largest exporter. Like its neighbour, Turkmenistan - a largely desert state - is dependent on water from the Amu Darya and earns significant export revenues from cotton. There have been signs that the Uzbeks are considering a shift away from simple obstruction of Tajik and Kyrgyz energy projects. At a cabinet meeting in February, Karimov said his country would be prepared to invest in them if they could be proved to be both commercially feasible and environmentally sound. On Afghanistan, Karimov and Berdymuhammedov announced publicly that they were prepared to offer logistical supply routes for NATO's operations in Afghanistan. Uzbekistan is to allow freight of a non-military nature to cross its territory by two land routes - one by rail leading via Tajikistan to the Afghan border, and a direct road connection to the Uzbek frontier town of Termez. Turkmenistan is to allow NATO planes carrying cargo, again of a non-military nature, to fly through its airspace. These arrangements appear to have been concluded when General David Petraeus, the head of the United States military's Central Command, visited both countries earlier this year. The fact that the two presidents used their joint press conference to firm up some of the details suggest they wanted to demonstrate they were coordinating their support for the western effort in Afghanistan. (For a report on this issue, see Turkmen, Uzbeks to Help NATO's Afghan Effort.) Washington has been forced to look for alternative supply routes in Central Asia following the Kyrgyz government's decision to close down the US military airbase in that country, at a time when the Americans plan to boost their presence in Afghanistan. Although neither Berdymuhammedov nor Karimov made a statement on energy matters, analysts say they have also secured each other's support to protect their interests in this area. Currently, most of the Turkmen gas exported to Russia is transported by the Central Asia-Centre pipeline which passes through Uzbekistan. The Russians want to boost Turkmen export capacity in anticipation of rich new deposits coming on stream, while another pipeline taking Turkmen gas to China will also go through Uzbek territory. A Tashkent-based economist told IWPR that the two countries needed to work closely together on their export strategies. "There is an acute need to coordinate pricing policy both for the transit and sale of gas, so high-level meetings are essential," he said. A common approach would strengthen the individual positions of Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan in dealing with other Central Asian states and with Russia. But while the Uzbek and Turkmen leaders are willing to negotiate on areas of mutual interest, commentators say there are still many underlying problems in the relationship. One practical area where many issues remain unresolved concerns people on either side of the long Turkmen-Uzbek border who want to visit or trade with one another, some of whom are diaspora members who find themselves living on the "wrong" side of a rigidly controlled frontier. "Visa requirements [for citizens of each country] are an obstacle to the development of relations," said an observer based in northeastern Turkmenistan. Attempts to simplify border procedures for people wishing to visit relatives in the other country for short periods have foundered, he added. Ibadulla Narimov, a 60-year-old Uzbekistan national, said he had to pay the equivalent of six US dollars to visit Turkmenistan for three days. "For us, that's a lot of money," he said. Commentators say cross-border trade has yet to revive despite the diplomatic thaw. "There is no border trade as such, as the frontier is closed," said the observer in northeast Turkmenistan. "Agreements on promoting border trade and setting up free trade zones were signed during meetings between Niazov and Karimov, but nothing has come of it." He explained, "Each side is trying to protect its own economic interests by introducing stupid bans. For example, Uzbekistan bans Turkmen food [imports]. All foodstuffs such as bread, pasta, meat, wheat and cooking oil are confiscated by customs officials." For their part, the Turkmen authorities forbid exports of petroleum products to Uzbekistan, where these items can be sold for a mark-up. KAZAKSTAN'S NEW PASSPORTS TO SHOW ETHNICITY Government changes mind and rules that passports can show ethnic origin after all. By Daulet Kanagatuly in Almaty Questions remain as to why the Kazak government gave into demands to provide space for specifying one's ethnic origin on the country's new biometric passports, after initially leaving the feature off. The first passports were already being issued when a government decree of February 13 stated that the documents would be changed to include the option of entering the ethnic group one belongs to, known here as "nationality" as opposed to citizenship. Justice ministry officials had earlier argued that the category - a feature of the pre-2009 passport, and also the old Soviet document - was not required internationally, and that Kazakstan citizenship was the only thing that counted. The government's volte face followed a complaint from members of parliament who argued that specifically Kazak ethnic identity would be downgraded if it was not formally recognised in the national identity document. The initial protest came from Bekbolat Tileukhan, a member of party from the governing Nur Otan party, who complained to the justice ministry that removing the ethnic origin section was an insult to Kazak identity. His action prompted an open letter to the authorities from more than 80 politicians and other prominent figures who argued that the passport was part of a plan to forge a "Kazakstan nation" to the detriment of the various peoples who inhabit the country. Two leading opposition figures- the United Social Democrats' leader Jarkmakhan Tuyakbaev and the Azat party's Bulat Abilov - added their voices to the protest. The issue was raised in parliament on January 15, with members calling for ethnic identity to be restored. As ruler of this post-Soviet state with its substantial community of Russians and other Slavs, President Nursultan Nazarbaev has sought to build a sense of Kazakstan citizenship which all groups can buy into, while also promoting Kazak language and culture. There seems little evidence to support the complaint that a strong Kazakstan identity is intended to efface ethnic background. In the past, Nazarbaev's officials have not generally been over-sensitive when members of the public have voiced concerns over a particular policy decision. Why, then, did they move so fast when they received complaints about a decision to issue passports designed to meet international standards? The authorities themselves have provided no explanation for their change of heart. However, an anonymous source in government told IWPR that a conscious decision had been made that officials should become more responsive to complaints from the public, given the economic difficulties Kazakstan is facing as a result of the international financial crisis. "At a government meeting at the end of last year, [Prime Minister] Karim Masimov said that in this period of crisis, members of the government and of parliament should pay heed to complaints and petitions from citizens to prevent a rise in protest sentiment," said the source. "The prime minister stressed that the protest mood should not be allowed to grow to a massive scale right now. So citizens' complaints and petitions must be dealt with promptly, and people must be informed what measures have been taken to deal with these." This softly-softly approach appears to have been applied in a number of other cases. For instance, in January, Prime Minister Masimov instructed the education ministry to delay the introduction of a new system for checking on teachers' performance, following complaints that the computer-based tests had been brought in too quickly. And in February, the education ministry announced that extra funds would be made available to grant loans to students threatened with expulsion because they had not paid tuition fees. Some analysts in Kazakstan have criticised the government for its hasty policy reversal on the passport issue. They point out that formally recording ethnic origin can lead to discrimination, as sometimes happened in the Soviet Union, from which Kazakstan inherited the practice. Dosym Satpaev, director of Risk Assessment Group, argued that the authorities should stand firm in creating an inclusive state. He cited France as an example of a state where citizenship counts above all else. "One might follow the principle applied in France where citizens of any ethnic origin consider themselves French if they live in France and respect and obey its laws," he said. Others suggested the protests reflected only a minority of opinion in the country as a whole. "I cannot say that there has been a wide-scale protest in society to demand the restoration of the ethnicity section," said political analyst Eduard Poletaev. Poletaev argued that the majority of Kazakstan citizens did not oppose the dropping of the "nationality" clause, and said opponents of the move probably failed to understand that it was done for completely pragmatic reasons rather than out of a desire to undermine a sense of ethnic identity. The reason the government chose to back down, he said, was because it feared a "rise in tensions in society caused by a variety of circumstances". On the streets of Almaty, Kazakstan's former capital and biggest city, opinion was divided about the usefulness of recording ethnicity. "If we want to create a civilised country, we should start living like one," said 33-year-old resident Tokhtar Kaldybaev. "For a start, the ethnicity section should be abolished. Passports are designed for travel to other countries, where no one cares about your ethnic origin.". A taxi driver who gave his first name as Aleksei voiced concern that the passport now showed ethnic identity but the text was only in Kazak and English versions, whereas Russian, which also has official status in Kazakstan, was ignored. This, he suggested undermined the concept of a truly united Kazakstan, "They have already divided us into rich and poor, and now our society is to be divided along ethnic lines," he said. Kazakstan was required to introduce biometric passports as a condition of membership of the International Civil Aviation Organisation, for which it applied last year. The agency's requirements do not include a statement of ethnic origin. The new passports use facial recognition, based on a digital image of the holder stored on a computer chip contained in the document, offering protection against forged papers. Around 2,700 passports were issued from their introduction on January 5 to the time the government changed the requirements. Ethnic origin can now be entered on a voluntary basis in a section entitled "Notes", but that piece of information not be stored on the chip. By Daulet Kanagatuly is an IWPR-trained journalist in Almaty. SPECIAL REPORT: STIGMA SURROUNDS HIV IN KYRGYZSTAN Families become virtual outcasts in their community because of fear and ignorance of HIV. By Sabyr Abdumomunov in Osh Two families with HIV-infected children say they have had to leave their homes in southern Kyrgyzstan because of the humiliation they have suffered at the hands of fellow-villagers and even relatives. The families are among those affected by a wave of HIV cases in 2007, when women and children in the Osh region were infected with the virus after undergoing treatment at public hospitals. The fact that two families felt forced to move away highlights the stigma attached to HIV infection, as well as the general lack of awareness about how the virus affects people. "All of our relatives have completely stopped visiting us," said the mother of an HIV-positive child from Osh region, who has moved to the north of Kyrgyzstan. The other family relocated to a different village in the south. A lawyer representing 25 families, Fatima Habibullina, said others would like to leave as well, but cannot afford to. HOSPITALS IDENTIFIED AS INFECTION SOURCE In 2007 and 2008, 80 new HIV cases were recorded in the Nookat and Karasuu districts of Osh region alone. Most involved children aged between two months and two years. Eight mothers were also infected. Since the husbands in these households tested negative, the evidence pointed to hospitals as the source of infection. Over the past two years, six of the children have died from HIV/AIDS related illnesses. An official investigation conducted after the mass infections were identified found that the virus was transferred via the repeated use of unsterilised medical instruments. Fourteen doctors at state hospitals were charged with negligence and with the offence of infecting patients. When the case came to trial last August, the Osh regional court stripped ten of the doctors of their right to practice and gave them suspended sentences of between three and five years. The other four were acquitted for lack of evidence. On February 24, after an appeals process and legal action mounted by parents dissatisfied with the outcome, Kyrgyzstan's Supreme Court upheld all the decisions passed by the lower court. COMMUNITY SHAMES "HIV FAMILIES" For women who are HIV-positive themselves or have children who are, life in the village has become increasingly difficult as family and friends shun them, depriving them of important social networks. "Almost everybody in the village knows that these families have HIV-positive children," said Habibullina, who works for the Rainbow Information Centre, an Osh-based group that provides HIV-positive people with legal advice. One mother who has an 18-month-old baby carrying the HIV virus, said, "There is a tradition in the village that if you run out of bread, you can borrow it from your neighbours. However, our neighbours know there's an HIV-infected child in our family and they don't want to drink tea at our house, accept bread from us or even greet us." "There have been many times when our older children have come home crying," she added. Another woman, who also has a child carrying HIV, said, "When I walk along the street, children start shouting, 'She's got AIDS'. I don't care about the neighbours, but many of our relatives won't invite us to family celebrations and they forbid their children to come to our house." Erik Ryskulov, a lawyer defending one of the doctors charged with negligence, said the reason why the names of those infected became so widely known was that patient confidentiality was not observed properly. According to Habibullina, six of the eight HIV-positive women were driven from their homes by their husbands. They are now living in rented flats, which non-government groups are helping to pay for, or at crisis centres and with relatives. Aygul Ismailova of the National AIDS Centre, a government agency, said that many of the husbands believed their wives had infected the children. Sultan Mamytov, also from the Rainbow centre, says a move elsewhere will be good for the children involved, but that "on the other hand, there is no guarantee that rumours about their illness will not spread in the new locations. These families will always have to live in some isolation from others." DISCRIMINATION INGRAINED DESPITE EDUCATION EFFORTS Official figures indicate that HIV cases are on the rise in Kyrgyzstan generally. In late January, a national forum of groups involved in HIV prevention heard that of the 2,031 cases currently captured by the statistics, 550 date from 2008 alone. Experts speak of significant discrimination against people living with HIV, which they attribute mainly to public ignorance about the nature of the virus. The Adilet Legal Clinic reports discriminatory behaviour when people seek medical treatment, apply for jobs, attend leisure facilities, and send their children to kindergartens. Kyrgyz NGOs are working to raise awareness. The Rainbow group, for example, is about to publish illustrated books providing clear explanations about HIV/AIDS which it will distribute in rural areas. It will also arrange meetings with schoolchildren, teachers and parents to discuss HIV-related issues. Speaking at the HIV forum in January, Boris Shapiro of the government committee which is coordinating state and non-state work in this area, said, "Thanks to the NGOs, every schoolchild now knows about HIV infection and methods of preventing it". While the NGOs clearly have a role to play, Mamytov believes public education initiatives should be driven by government. Ismailova, from the government's AIDS centre, accepts that more needs to be done to tackle discrimination, but says it will take time for attitudes to change as HIV was a taboo subject until recently. "The population of Kyrgyzstan has had very little time to assimilate this information and deal with it," she explained. "There used to be a deep-rooted stereotype that AIDS is a terrible disease that's generally prevalent among sex workers and drug addicts." Ismailova said discrimination was common among healthcare professionals, leading to some patients being denied treatment. "There have been cases when medical staff turned HIV-positive patients away from hospitals because doctors were afraid of being infected," she said. Ryskulov warned that the cases identified so far might be just the tip of the iceberg, and said things would only get worse if the authorities continued to deal with outbreaks by singling out doctors for blame and prosecution, ignoring. "Many doctors are saying they get paid a pittance and then face [criminal charges] for doing their job," he said, warning that medical workers were likely to leave in droves. Sabyr Abdumomunov is a stringer for Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty's Kyrgyz Service. **** www.iwpr.net ******************************************************************** REPORTING CENTRAL ASIA provides the international community with a unique insiders' perspective on the region. Using our network of local journalists, the service publishes news and analysis from across Central Asia on a weekly basis. The service forms part of IWPR's Central Asia Project based in Almaty, Bishkek, Tashkent and London, which supports media development and encourages better local and international understanding of the region. IWPR's Reporting Central Asia is supported by the UK Community Fund. The service is published online in English and Russian. The opinions expressed in Reporting Central Asia are those of the authors and do not necessarily represent those of the publication or of IWPR. 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