KAZAKS TO SHOP CORRUPT OFFICIALS FOR CASH  Will the latest effort to root out 
thieving bureaucrats be sustained and consistent enough to change 
long-established ways?  By Galiaskar Utegulov in Almaty

KAZAK CAMPAIGNERS BATTLE INTERNET CURBS  Screens go blank in protest against a 
bill that some fear will create internet censorship.  By Aygerim Beysenbaeva in 

PARTY GOES ON AND ON IN KAZAKSTAN  Nur Otan party celebrates decade as 
unassailable party of government, although analysts say it enjoys little real 
power.  Daulet Kanagatuly in Almaty

RURAL JOB SCHEME HITS UZBEK FARMERS’ POCKETS  Farmers complain they are being 
forced to subsidise a government work-creation scheme.  By IWPR staff in 
Central Asia

**** NEW 

NEW VACANCIES AVAILABLE http://iwpr.net/vacancies 

KURT SCHORK AWARDS: 2009 CALL FOR ENTRIES http://iwpr.net/kurtschork09 

BECOME A FAN OF IWPR ON FACEBOOK: http://iwpr.net/facebook 


CENTRAL ASIA RADIO: http://iwpr.net/centralasiaradio

CENTRAL ASIA PROGRAMME HOME: http://iwpr.net/centralasia 

IWPR COMMENT: http://iwpr.net/comment 


**** www.iwpr.net 

REPORTING CENTRAL ASIA RSS: http://www.iwpr.net/en/rca/rss.xml 

RECEIVE FROM IWPR: Readers are urged to subscribe to IWPR's full range of free 
electronic publications at: http://iwpr.net/subscribe 

GIVE TO IWPR: IWPR is wholly dependent upon grants and donations. For more 
information about how you can support IWPR go to: http://iwpr.net/donate 

**** www.iwpr.net 


Will the latest effort to root out thieving bureaucrats be sustained and 
consistent enough to change long-established ways?

By Galiaskar Utegulov in Almaty

As the new policy of getting tough on corruption beds down in Kazakstan, many 
analysts say it is looking more credible than previous efforts because for the 
first time, the prime culprits are being targeted – government officials and 
public servants. 

Others remain more sceptical, particularly about a plan to pay people for 
reporting corrupt officials.

A decree which President Nursultan Nazarbaev signed on April 22 makes the war 
on corruption a priority for police and instructs the government to raise 
standards in public life. 

This effort differs from previous ones in that it tackles the heart of 
government, although it remains to be seen just how it comprehensive it will 

Under a novel incentive system, members of the public will get cash rewards if 
they shop a corrupt state official. By contrast, civil servants will be legally 
bound to report such case, and could face prosecution if they fail to do so. 

Government employees will also be subject to conflict-of-interest regulations, 
details of which have still to be worked up, and their assets will be under 
scrutiny both while they are in office and afterwards, to ensure these were not 
obtained from back-handers. Finally, there will be a list of public sector jobs 
where the risk of corruption is highest, and recruitment procedures here will 
be tightened accordingly.

Corruption affects all areas of life in Kazakstan, including business and 
politics. Bribes come in various shapes and sizes, from the major inducements 
paid to win commercial contracts all the way down to the “fees” that the 
average person has to pay for notionally free public services such as 
healthcare or getting the correct official stamp on a document. 

The acceptance – until now – of high-level corruption as a fact of life has a 
corrosive effect on society, according to Almaty businessman Kanat Batyrov. 

“If officials are mired in corruption, what are ordinary people supposed to do 
when they’re asked for bribes everywhere, from [securing a place in] 
kindergarten to higher education?” he said.

The international corruption watchdog Transparency International ranks 
Kazakstan 145th in a list of 180 states. Although it is in the lower quarter, 
it still does a lot better than neighbours Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan and 
Turkmenistan, and another oil-rich Caspian state, Azerbaijan. 

Speaking in early May as the anti-graft campaign got under way, Marat Jumanbay 
of the Agency for Combating Economic Crimes and Corruption said that most cases 
of embezzlement of state funds involved government officials.

Economist Rahman Alshanov says it is an open secret that government tenders are 
often won by the bidder who offers the biggest bribe, rather than the one with 
the most competitive proposal on the table.

For those involved, the lure of a lavish lifestyle is irresistible.

“It has become a priority to have a detached house and a luxury car, but it’s 
practically impossible to acquire these if you do your job honestly,” said 
Alshanov. “There’s a disconnect between the desire for material wealth and the 
opportunity to earn it through work.” 

Aydos Sarym, a political analyst who heads the Altynbek Sarsenbayuly 
Foundation, named after an opposition leader killed in 2006, sees a direct 
correlation between corruption levels and the holding of power. 

“Bribes are accepted by people who hold some kind of authority and are involved 
in distributing various kinds of wealth, and not only that of the state,” he 
said. “Those who take bribes include bureaucrats of all stripes and all ranks, 
the heads of enterprises where the state holds a stake, judges, policemen, 
doctors, teachers and lecturers.”

Sarym believes the latest campaign has come about because Kazakstan’s leaders 
are becoming aware that “corruption has reached an extremely dangerous level 
that is a threat not only to the state but to the regime itself.”

The analyst also suspects that the leadership is keen to shake off Kazakstan’s 
reputation for corruption as it tries to reposition and rebrand itself as an 
international player.

Alshanov welcomes the Nazarbaev decree as it makes it clear that officials at 
ministerial level, who until now believed themselves untouchable, are now fair 
game for corruption charges. Previously, he noted, it always seemed that the 
little fish were made examples of just to show the authorities were doing 

A number of high-profile prosecutions over the last month or so suggest the 
ambition to tackle high-end bribery is serious.

On May 25, the head of the state uranium firm Kazatomprom, Mukhtar Jakishev, 
was arrested along with senior staff members and accused of corruption, Reuters 
news agency reported. In mid-April, deputy defence minister Kajimurat 
Mayermanov was arrested in connection with an allegedly crooked defence 
contract signed with a foreign company. A month earlier, two deputy ministers 
of the environment, Aljan Braliev and Zeynolla Sarsembaev, were accused of 
siphoning off public money.

The big question now is whether this anti-coruption drive will succeed where 
others have failed.

According to Alshanov, in previous cases, officials at the centre of corruption 
allegations were frequently able to get off the hook easily, making the whole 
thing look like a sham.

“An official would be reprimanded, and after some time he would resurface in 
another senior post,” he said. “Everyone understood that he’d bought his way 
out of it. In other words, the more you take [in bribes], the better your 
chances of buying your way out.” 

Yet past failures do not have to mean this latest effort is pointless, he says, 
noting, “Once they start jailing high ranking officials, the public will 
gradually start believing that corruption can get you into serious trouble.”

In Alshanov’s view, it will all come down to implementation.

“The issue is not the decisions that are taken, but who carries them out. There 
has to be transparency here. If that doesn’t happen, the decisions will exist 
only on paper, as has been the case previously,” he said.

Like Alshanov, political scientist Sarym is hopeful that anti-corruption 
measures will work over time, through “constant, sustained and focused efforts” 
rather than speeches, declarations and one-off prison sentences designed to 
make an example of someone. 

“I want to believe that this [campaign]will be more successful than previous 
ones,” he added.

Nazarbaev’s edict also contained provisions to make Kazakstan’s police force 
more likely to combat corruption rather than connive in it. These include a 
more rigorous recruitment process and better pay, to curb the appeal of taking 

The businessman Batyrov notes that public confidence in the police is very low, 
as they are regarded as being hand in glove with corrupt state officials. 

Nazarbaev’s announcement that cash rewards would be paid to people who report 
corruption cases has proved controversial. Batyrov fears that the police and 
judiciary are in such poor shape that they are in no position to rule on 
whether a denunciation is genuine, a ploy to sideline a rival or enemy, or 
simply a bid to win the cash prize.

Yerjan Ashikbaev, manager of a consulting firm in Almaty, agrees that the 
system may be abused initially, but he believes it will work in the end. He 
views the cash incentive scheme as being at the opposite end of the moral scale 
from officials who spend their time lining their pockets. 

Yermurat Koshymov, a farmer from the Almaty region, also believes the scheme 
will encourage people to report officials who demand bribes from them.

Overall, Koshymov believes the new war on corruption is being waged so 
seriously that it will win public support.

“I think people are now ready to help the financial police identify those 
engaged in corruption, because there’s a rigorous clean-up under way and no one 
is being spared,” he said. 

In Ashikbaev’s view, public-spirited activity needs to be accompanied by some 
self-examination on everyone’s part. 

“A citizen who angrily criticises corruption but half an hour later is prepared 
to pay a bribe to resolve a personal matter is unlikely to become an active 
participant in the real anti-corruption fight, which will be a prolonged, 
systemic fight,” he said. 

Galiaskar Utegulov is a pseudonym used by a journalist in Almaty.


Screens go blank in protest against a bill that some fear will create internet 

By Aygerim Beysenbaeva in Almaty

As a controversial internet bill nears the end of its progress through 
Kazakstan’s parliament, media rights activists have been putting up a 
last-ditch defence. 

The campaign to persuade lawmakers that the proposed changes to current 
legislation are a bad idea was stepped up with a symbolic hour’s blackout 
protest by websites on May 13, the day the bill was passed by the lower house 
of parliament, the Majilis. 

Around a thousand Kazakstan-based websites blanked out their screens in an 
“Hour of Silence”, organised by the Free Internet campaign group and backed by 
a number of media NGOs like the Union of Journalists, MediaNet and Adil Soz, 
and leading websites. As part of the action, users were asked to stop accessing 
the internet for the hour. 

The idea was to give an idea of the kind of information vacuum that campaigners 
believe would be created if the legislation took effect. 

The bill now goes to the upper house or Senate for approval. Once the Senate 
gives its assent, the law will go to President Nursultan Nazarbaev for final 

On May 19, the Union of Journalists, Adil Soz and the National Association of 
TV and Radio Broadcasters wrote to Senate members urging them to send the bill 
back to the government for “substantial improvement so as to bring it into line 
with international principles of freedom of expression”. 

The proposed amendments, which apply to current laws on media, national 
security, and communications, would subject internet content to the same 
controls that now apply to conventional print and broadcast media. Controls on 
media mean the internet is seen as the last place where people can access 
alternative sources of information. 

As well as a ban on publishing classified information, terrorist or extremist 
propaganda, pornography and calls for the overthrow of the government, the bill 
would also prohibit foreign nationals from using web-based media for 
electioneering or calling on workers to strike. 

The bill would allow the authorities to block foreign-based websites if their 
content was deemed to contravene Kazakstan law. Finally, internet service 
providers would be obliged to gather personal data on their customers. (See 
Kazak Rights Groups Denounce “Internet Censorship” Bill, RCA No. 569, 

In their letter, the media rights groups said the Majilis had ignored 
recommendations made by the OSCE as well domestic organisations to make the law 
less draconian. The only change made to the “reactionary innovations”, they 
said, was dropping a proposal to allow the Kazak prosecution service to close 
down a media outlet without obtaining a court injunction. 

According to Adil Jalilov, the head of the MediaNet group, the bill will make 
it easy for the authorities to find fault with websites and close them down. 

“It’s obvious that website administrators won’t be able to keep track of the 
tens of thousands messages coming in every day,” he said. “It is going to be 
much easier to shut down an unfavourable website or [silence] an opponent – all 
it will take is to post a comment containing something illegal.” 

Concerns about the future of internet freedom are not confined to media rights 
groups, judging from interviews conducted by IWPR. 

A 27-year old Almaty resident who gave his name as Asyl, for example, said, 
“Here in Kazakstan, the internet has long been the only source of true and 
objective information about what’s happening in the country and in the world.” 

Alexander, 44, who works in the private sector, believes the legislation mimics 
the worst aspects of the Soviet system. 

“The authorities here stubbornly refuse to hear the truth about themselves or 
about developments in the country,” he said. “It is stupid to think that 
closing newspapers and internet sites is going to improve our image or prevent 
accurate information from reaching people. Similar things happened in the 
Soviet Union, and we all know how that ended.” 

The new legislation has its supporters as well as detractors. Mikhail Tyunin, a 
lawyer in Almaty, says the internet cannot be completely lawless. 

The state needs to have the means to curb sites that show violence and 
pornography, and which support terrorism, he says. 

“The existence of pro-terrorism websites, and others advocating violence and 
child pornography negates the positive aspects of the internet,” Tyunin told 
IWPR. “I remain a strong supporter of regulating the internet, if only because 
a significant proportion of users are young people – schoolchildren and 
adolescents. “Who is going to keep an eye on the internet sites our children 
are visiting? I have a growing son and it’s a good thing I can block certain 
sites at home, but he is going to [come across them] at school or internet 

As the Senate starts discussing the internet bill, the Free Internet 
campaigners are determined to continue, with plans to urge international 
organisations to press for change. 

The Free Internet campaign has seen the emergence of innovative forms of 
protest, led by a youth group called Janasu. Since parliament started debating 
the bill two months ago, they have sent the speaker a computer keyboard bound 
by chains and held a mock funeral outside a telecoms provider in Almaty. 

Plans to stage a flash mob in Almaty and release balloons with computer mouses 
attached failed on May 16 when prosecutors warned that the action was 
technically a demonstration and therefore required advance permission. 

Aygerim Beysenbaeva is an IWPR-trained journalist in Almaty. 


Nur Otan party celebrates decade as unassailable party of government, although 
analysts say it enjoys little real power.

Daulet Kanagatuly in Almaty

Nur Otan, the political party of Kazak president Nursultan Nazarbaev, had 
plenty to celebrate when it marked its tenth anniversary. It is in an 
unassailable position, with all the seats in parliament and nearly 
three-quarters of a million members. 

Yet for all that, analysts say Nur Otan hardly constitutes an independent 
ruling force, and exists merely as a vehicle to articulate the president’s 
ideas and policies.

The party marked its first decade at a congress held in the Kazak capital 
Astana on May 15. 

President Nazarbaev, who is party chairman, used his keynote address to the 600 
delegates at the congress to deliver a upbeat message about the state of the 
economy. Omitting references to the scale of the downturn in Kazakstan or to 
any failure of domestic policy, he ascribed the effects of global crisis to 
external factors alone and said effective anti crisis measures were already 
being implemented.

A party delegate who asked to remain anonymous said he was disappointed with 
the meeting, which reminded him of a Communist Party event from the Soviet 
period, complete with over-the-top style praise for Nazarbaev’s vision, and 
speeches full of indigestible economic data.

Another delegate said the overall tone was that “with this head of state, and 
with a nation like this, a crisis is nothing to us.” 

Originally called Otan (Fatherland) in 1999 when it was forged out of a number 
of smaller pro-presidential parties and movements, the party added Nur (Light) 
to its name in 2006 when it swallowed up Asar, a party that had been set up by 
Nazarbaev’s daughter Dariga. 

Of the seven political parties that ran in the 2007 parliamentary election, Nur 
Otan was the only one deemed to have passed the seven per cent threshold, and 
it took all 98 of the 107 seats in the Majilis or lower house that are 
earmarked for parties. 

Its mergers with Asar and other parties swelled Nur Otan’s membership to the 
present 700,000-plus card-holders. 

When it came to the future of the party itself, Nazarbaev was unambiguous, and 
appeared to banish any hope that past commitments to creating political 
pluralism might be honoured. He called for the groundwork to be done to ensure 
“Nur Otan’s domination of the political system in Kazakstan over the long term”.

This domination is already apparent. But many analysts see the party as 
something of an empty vessel, with few ideas generated from within and in their 
place, constant deference to the president.

According to political analyst Dosym Satpaev, director of the Almaty-based Risk 
Assessment Group, the only reason Nur Otan enjoys supremacy is that all 
possible competition has been cleared out of the way through elections that are 
neither free nor fair. 

“Given that no such [fair] elections have taken place to date in Kazakstan, Nur 
Otan has no real experience of fighting [for votes], and has not had to prove 
itself in a competitive race,” he said.

It is only the patronage of Nazarbaev that grants the party a measure of power, 
said Satpaev, adding, “It isn’t for nothing that it is called the 
pro-presidential party and its leading members constantly refer to the 
authority of the head of state.”

Petr Svoik, deputy leader of the opposition party Azat, agreed that Nur Otan is 
not a political force in its own right, “The party does not have any strategy; 
one can only talk about the president’s strategy.”

In reality, he said, “The system of power is built around the president’s 
authority and on his entourage. The real power lies with this immediate circle, 
and the rest is either decoration or a supporting structure.”

Satpaev agreed that the only institution that carries weight is the presidency, 
saying, “This is very bad as it means Kazakstan’s entire political system has 
been created around one specific individual. If this person leaves office, the 
question will arise whether the system will still function.” 

The analyst sees Nur Otan as merely another extension of the state, which 
officials in national and local government are required to join as a matter of 

As Nazarbaev’s speech indicated, the party’s role appears to consist of 
checking up on the work of government institutions, even though their senior 
staff are Nur Otan members anyway.

“Of course it looks comical, one official monitoring another,” said Satpaev.

Gulnara Samenbekova, head of public relations in Nur Otan’s Almaty branch, 
acknowledges that the party plays a supervisory role, which she believes is 
fully justified.

“As the party that won the election, we take responsibility for the work of all 
state structures, as it is our programme they are implementing,” she said.

As an example, she cited an anti-corruption campaigns launched last month. Nur 
Otan has been told to monitor its implementation, although the initiative came 
not from the party, but in a decree issued by President Nazarbaev.

“We are open and effective, we are checking the activity of [government] 
institutions, we’re identifying flaws and violations, and we are helping people 
resolve these issues,” said Samenbekova. 

Anton Morozov, an analyst with the Institute for Strategic Studies, which is 
linked to the presidential administration, believes Nur Otan has a role to 

“Even when Otan was being set up, Nazarbaev said the party should become his 
right-hand man. That’s exactly what is happening,” he said.

Comparisons with the old Communist Party only go so far. Whereas the Soviet 
party was all-powerful and unchallenged, it did not depend on one individual. 
But analysts like Svoik say Nur Otan would not survive long without its current 

“It’s all a bit like going back to the USSR, although it’s more like a parody 
version,” he said.

Satpaev fears the absence of strong political institutions outside the 
presidential office could lead to instability down the line.

“If there is no political authority that could take on the role of supreme 
power in that event [a vacuum], then any elite that possesses some resources 
will join the power struggle,” he said.

Even now, said Satpaev, the monopoly of the political arena is holding the 
country back. 

“The system leaves no room for debate or alternative methods of solving 
problems,” he said. “The authorities, and that includes Nur Otan, are not 
prepared to tolerate criticism, even though justifiable criticism makes for a 
more stable system.”

Daulet Kanagatuly is an IWPR-trained journalist in Almaty.


Farmers complain they are being forced to subsidise a government work-creation 

By IWPR staff in Central Asia

An Uzbek government initiative to create rural jobs for the growing number of 
unemployed has angered farmers, who feel they are being made to underwrite this 
social project at a financial loss to themselves.

Farmers in Uzbekistan are notionally private operators but remain beholden to 
the state, as they hold land on a long lease rather than in outright ownership, 
and continue to be set Soviet-style quotas for cotton and wheat, which they 
have to sell to monopoly trading enterprises at below-market prices.

They are alarmed at instructions issued by district administrations around the 
country telling them to take on extra workers. Farmers say the district-level 
officials in turn received verbal orders to implement the job-creation scheme 
from the central government in Tashkent.

News of the campaign was first reported in late April by the Rapid Response 
Group, an independent group in Uzbekistan.

Analysts with the group are certain the government’s actions are prompted by a 
desire to soak up the extra labour force created by the return of migrant 
workers from Russia and Kazakstan, where job markets are contracting as a 
result of the severe economic downturn. 

According to some estimates, as many as five million of Uzbekistan’s 27 million 
people are working abroad, although there are no reliable statistics on this, 
or on the rate at which they are returning.

“We think this measure is an attempt by the government to tackle mass 
unemployment, which may be exacerbated when the majority of Uzbek labour 
migrants start coming back to rural areas,” said the Rapid Response Group 

Saibjon Aliev of Uzbekistan’s Ministry of Labour and Social Affairs, quoted by 
the Eurasianet website, said earlier this month that some 930,000 new jobs 
would be generated in 2009, of which over 550,000 would be in the countryside. 
In remarks originally carried by Russia’s Regnum news agency, he said nearly 
210,000 jobs, some 150,000 of them rural, were created in January-March this 

IWPR enquiries confirm that farmers are being asked to hire one unemployed 
person for every two hectares they lease, and pay them a wage of 40,000 soms a 
month, about 28 US dollars. 

“I have 100 hectares of land. That means I should be taking on 50 people, and 
paying them wages,” said one farmer in the western region of Bukhara. “Where am 
I to get the money?” 

A leaseholder in another district of Bukhara region added, “Things will go 
badly for farmers if this verbal instruction is taken seriously. Bad weather 
has forced many of us to sow cotton three times over, so that we are losing two 
million soms [1,300 dollars] per hectare in expenditure. How can we pay wages 
to new workers when we are in the red ourselves?”

An agricultural reform pushed through late last year required smaller farms to 
merge into large units. With one owner replacing several, many small-scale 
farmers were left without jobs, adding to the problem of rural unemployment.

There is no question that farm need workers. Cotton is a particularly 
labour-intensive crop, especially since the specialised machinery of the Soviet 
period has been largely replaced by manual work for planting, weeding, and 

Farmers try to minimise costs by using family members or hiring temporary 
workers who get a fraction of the officially-set wage.

As one farmer in Bukhara said, “We try to get by with the help of family 
members. We can’t afford to pay the wages imposed by local government.”
Apart from providing unemployment with jobs farmers are also ordered to finance 
renovation of public housing.

As well as taking on extra labour, the authorities are reportedly instructing 
farmers to contribute funds to renovate their villages and repair the roads.

A farmer in the Jizzak region of central Uzbekistan said he and his colleagues 
were told to fund the renovation of 20 housing blocks. The cost of cement, 
plaster, paint and labour is worked out and the farmers are required to foot 
the bill.

“It turns out that on average each farmer has to fork out 100,000 soms [68 
dollars] of his own money,” said this man. “If anyone objects to this, he will 
be subjected to [state inspections] and may have to part with [fines worth] 
500,000 soms.”

In Bukhara, there are reports that the system is already being rigged in much 
the same way as described in the famous Russian novel “Dead Souls”. Lists of 
successfully-employed farmworkers are compiled, while in reality no one is 
being hired. 

“That works for the authorities, as they can report that the instruction is 
being carried out, even though the farmer is not taking people on,” said one 
local observer. 

Elsewhere, farmers may not be able to get away with it. They say they are 
vulnerable to pressure from local authorities because they are already forced 
to break so many rules. 

One man in the central Syr Darya region said that he is technically allowed to 
use 6.5 hectares of his total 125 hectares of land to grow vegetables, which he 
can eat or sell for cash. The other 95 per cent of the land has to be used for 
“quota” crops, in his case mostly wheat. But because he sets aside another 3.5 
hectares to give his hired workers a small plot each, and for other purposes, 
he is technically in breach of the rules. 

“That’s it – the farmer is a criminal,” he said. “He can be simply taken down 
to the police station, the judge will read out the verdict with a clear 
conscience, and the farmer is sent off to a [labour camp] as he is a criminal 
in the eyes of the law.”

He added, “Our hokims [local government chiefs] are great, they are smart. 
These are just some of their methods. Every step of the way, they are making 
money for the motherland. And they get all of it from the farmers’ pockets. Has 
our state really become so poor?”

(The names of interviewees have been withheld out of concern for their 

**** www.iwpr.net 

REPORTING CENTRAL ASIA provides the international community with a unique 
insiders' perspective on the region. Using our network of local journalists, 
the service publishes news and analysis from across Central Asia on a weekly 

The service forms part of IWPR's Central Asia Project based in Almaty, Bishkek, 
Tashkent and London, which supports media development and encourages better 
local and international understanding of the region.

IWPR's Reporting Central Asia is supported by the UK Community Fund. The 
service is published online in English and Russian. 

The opinions expressed in Reporting Central Asia are those of the authors and 
do not necessarily represent those of the publication or of IWPR.

REPORTING CENTRAL ASIA: Editor-in-Chief: Anthony Borden; Managing Editor: Yigal 
Chazan; Senior Editor and Acting Central Asia Director: John MacLeod; Editor: 
Caroline Tosh; Central Asia Editor: Saule Mukhametrakhimova.

IWPR PROJECT DEVELOPMENT AND SUPPORT: Executive Director: Anthony Borden; Chief 
Programme Officer: Mike Day.

**** www.iwpr.net 

IWPR is an international network of four organisations which are governed by 
boards of senior journalists, peace-building experts, regional specialists and 
business professionals.

IWPR builds democracy at the frontlines of conflict and change through the 
power of professional journalism. IWPR programmes provide intensive hands-on 
training, extensive reporting and publishing, and ambitious initiatives to 
build the capacity of local media. Supporting peace-building, development and 
the rule of law, IWPR gives responsible local media a voice.

IWPR - Africa, P.O. Box 3317, Johannesburg 2121
Tel: +2 711 268 6077

IWPR - Europe, 48 Gray’s Inn Road, London WC1X 8LT, UK
Tel: +44 20 7831 1030

IWPR – United States, 1325 G Street, NW, Suite 500, Washington, DC 20005, 
United States
Tel: +1 202 449 7717

1515 Broadway, 11th Floor, New York, New York 10036, United States
Tel: +1 202 903 1073

Stichting IWPR Nederland, Eisenhowerlaan 77 K, 2517 KK Den Haag, The Netherlands
Tel: +31 70 338 9016

For further details on this project and other information services and media 
programmes, go to: www.iwpr.net 

ISSN: 1477-7924 Copyright © 2009 The Institute for War & Peace Reporting 

**** www.iwpr.net 

If you wish to change your subscription details or unsubscribe please go to:  

This electronic mail message and any file sent with it are intended solely for 
the named recipients and may contain confidential and proprietary business 
information of the Institute for War & Peace Reporting (IWPR) and its 
affiliates. If you are not a named recipient, please notify the sender 
immediately and delete the original message and all files sent with it. You may 
not disclose the contents to any other person, use this electronic mail message 
or its contents for any purpose or further store or copy its contents in any 

Institute for War & Peace Reporting. 48 Grays Inn Road, London WC1X 8LT, UK.
Registered as a charity in the United Kingdom (charity reg. no: 1027201, 
company reg. no: 2744185)

Reply via email to