absence of unrest in Osh ahead of election was an achievement in
itself.  By Timur Toktonaliev


needs to take decisive action to contain ethnic tensions stirred by
2010 violence, leading rights activist warns.  By Timur Toktonaliev

CLAMPDOWN ON DISSENT IN KAZAKSTAN  December violence used as stick to
beat government critics who complained about it.  By Dina Tokbaeva


describes meetings with oil town residents, and how the Kazak
authorities are responding in the aftermath of violence.  By Saule

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Observers say absence of unrest in Osh ahead of election was an
achievement in itself.

By Timur Toktonaliev

Melisbek Myrzakmatov, the powerful mayor of Osh in southern
Kyrgyzstan, has come out stronger from a local election in which his
supporters won nearly half the seats on the city council.

The result was the most noteworthy outcome of the March 4 local
elections held across Kyrgyzstan that went off fairly quietly,
including in southern areas still recovering from ethnic violence in
2010. Municipal ballots were held in Osh, in the eastern town of
Karakol and in Tokmak in the north of Kyrgyzstan, with elections also
held for 13 district councils around the country.

The only significant trouble was in Karakol, where a mob attacked the
mayor’s office in protest at the outcome of the March 4 ballot.

Non-government groups monitoring the polls recorded some fraud and
irregularities including “carousel voting”, where busloads of people
were taken around different polling stations to vote repeatedly; ink
being removed from people’s thumbs so that they could vote more than
once; and incomplete electoral rolls.

Nonetheless, when the Taza Shailoo election monitoring group and the
Kylym Shamy Centre for Human Rights Protection announced their
findings at a Bishkek press conference on March 5, they said the
results overall were valid.

The polls were watched most closely in Osh, Kyrgyzstan’s second
largest city. More than 400 people were killed there and in nearby
Jalalabad in clashes between ethnic Kyrgyz and Uzbeks in June 2010.

Uluttar Birimdigi, a party that city mayor Myrzakmatov helped create
last year, got 47 per cent of the vote, according to results released
on March 6. The Social Democratic Party of Kyrgyzstan, SDPK, which
backs President Almazbek Atambaev, came second with 24 per cent of the

The result gives Uluttar Birimdigi 20 out of the 45 seats on the city
council, and a major say in deciding who becomes mayor.

Seen as a Kyrgyz nationalist, Myrzakmatov has expanded his sphere of
influence since 2010. His current term expires shortly, so he will be
looking to shore up his support against the central administration in
Bishkek, where he is viewed as a controversial figure who has defied
attempts to control or remove him.

Ahead of the vote, he issued a statement accusing “over-zealous” SDPK
representatives of making inappropriate use of state resources to help
their campaign, a charge that party denied.

Kylym Shamy’s head Aziza Abdirasulova said the fact that a
several-thousand-strong rally in support of Myrzakmatov and Uluttar
Birimdigi three days before the polls went off without incident was an
achievement in itself, and helped set a positive mood for the election

The rally was attended by Kamchibek Tashiev, leader of the Ata-Jurt
party, and Adakhan Madumarov of the Butun Kyrgyzstan party, reflecting
a new alliance among southern politicians.

Ata-Jurt was part of the governing bloc in Kyrgyzstan until Atambaev’s
election as president in October, when the SDPK used this new position
of strength to break with it and find a new coalition partner, in the
shape of the Respublika party whose leader Omurbek Babanov is now
prime minister. Butun Kyrgyzstan has no seats in parliament.

Mars Sariev, a political analyst in Bishkek, can see advantages for
both Ata-Jurt and Butun Kyrgyzstan in aligning themselves with the
newer Uluttar Birimdigi. Both will be hoping to boost their own
popularity through association with Myrzakmatov, who combines the
formal function of mayor with the trappings of an informal

“Myrzakmatov is a charismatic personality who enjoys widespread
support in Osh and is very popular,” Sariev said.

Such a the three-party alliance is likely to strengthen the
traditional north-south divide in Kyrgyzstan’s politics, Sariev said,
adding that “it will provoke a reaction from the northern clans”.

At the same time, Sariev sees little appetite for serious trouble at the moment.

“The majority of the population, both in the south and in the north,
as well as considered politicians, understand that such a
confrontation would not be not in the country’s interests,” he said.

In Karakol, in Issyk-Kul region, around 100 people brandishing sticks
and stones tried to force their way into the mayor’s office, according
to the Kyrgyz interior ministry. They were demanding an annulment of
the results for the municipal council election, claiming that many
people had been left off the electoral roll.

Two policemen were injured, though the interior ministry said the
situation was now under control.

With almost 88 per cent of ballots counted in Karakol on March 7, the
SDPK came first with 21 per cent of the vote. Respublika was in second
place with just over ten per cent, while a new political group called
Soyuz (“Union”) was third with slightly under ten per cent.

Several youth organisations issued a statement on March 5 demanding
that results for the town be declared invalid, and accusing the
authorities of using state resources like media, local government
officials and election staff to campaign for pro-government parties.
They included Kyrgyzstan Jastar Keneshi (Kyrgyzstan Youth Council),
which received got just under five per cent of the vote, and issued a
call for more protests.

Timur Toktonaliev is IWPR editor for Kyrgyzstan.



Government needs to take decisive action to contain ethnic tensions
stirred by 2010 violence, leading rights activist warns.

By Timur Toktonaliev

Continued failure to enforce the rule of law risks will give the green
light to extreme nationalists who could provoke further ethnic strife,
according to Dinara Oshurakhunova, head of the Bishkek-based NGO
Coalition for Democracy and Civil Society.

Mistrust and divisions persist in southern Kyrgyzstan, as a legacy of
the June 2010 clashes between ethnic Kyrgyz and Uzbeks in which more
than 400 people were killed in and around the cities of Osh and
Jalalabad in just a few days.

Since then, weak institutions and an official reluctance to challenge
nationalists have led to the spread of aggressive rhetoric, often as a
pretext to grab land and property from minority groups, Oshurakhunova
told IWPR.

In late December, violence flared between Kyrgyz and Tajik residents
of the village of Andarak village in Batken province. In late January,
several Tajik families were forced to leave Aydarken, another village
in Batken, after one of their relatives was arrested in a murder case
and Kyrgyz neighbours made threats towards them.

There are also tensions in Kyrgyzstan’s parliament. where
Russian-speaking members face regular demands that they address the
assembly in Kyrgyz, though Russian is accepted as an official

The following are edited excerpts from an interview Oshurakhunova gave to IWPR.

IWPR: How has the ethnic situation developed since 2010, and what are
the authorities doing about it?

Dinara Oshurakhunova: The ethnic situation is terrible.

Conflict broke out in Mayevka in April 2010 [where five were killed
during attempts to seize land around the Chuy province village] but no
one has been held to account. There have been no media reports of
houses being rebuilt or compensation paid out.

The events of June 2010 were on a massive scale, so more attention was
paid to them and reconstruction is taking place. The question is
whether compensation has been awarded fairly. According to the
information we have, it has not been awarded to everyone, nor has it
been paid out equally. Sometimes people with close links to officials
receive compensation when they did not suffer in the violence. What’s
more, [some] homes and businesses are not being rebuilt, as their
owners are uncertain whether they will be compensated if the violence

IWPR: What is your view of the violence in Andarak in December?

Oshurakhunova: In Andarak, where arsonists attacked Tajik-owned
houses, the conflict is not being handled appropriately. Neighbours
and elders on both sides came out and said, “It’s all over, we have
peace now. Release these guys.” They let the suspects go. They have
not been held accountable.

Will this lack of accountability bring any relief to the Tajiks, who
just want the conflict to end?

Batken’s only doctor was sacked. I don’t know whether there were
genuine grounds for the complaint against him, but he is an ethnic
Tajik and no one wants him reinstated.

Meanwhile, in parliament everyone is raising the language question.
This [aggressive debate over language] will have direct consequences –
people will see it and copy it. People will say that if members of
parliament – those with the greatest oversight over how the law is
implemented – talk and behave like that, then it must be OK for us to
act that way as well.

IWPR: What do you see as the motivating factors behind ethnic tensions?

Oshurakhunova: These confrontations are basically about redistributing
resources and claiming other people’s assets. I don’t have enough land
or I don’t have a house, and I can’t bear to see my neighbour doing
well while things haven’t worked out for me. I should get what he has,
because I’m Kyrgyz and what is he? That’s the basis on which the
ethnic issue is taken up and exploited, whereas in fact it’s
fundamentally about resources.

This competition for and carving up of resources is going on at the
top political level, and also at the grassroots, where the carve-up is
taking place on ethnic, religious and regional grounds. And what is
the state doing about it? Nothing.

IWPR: How are the police and court officials handling these issues?

Oshurakhunova: The April [2010] violence [pitting police against
protesters seeking the removal of then president Kurmanbek Bakiev]
demoralised our law-enforcement agencies. No reforms are taking place
and very little has changed. Law-enforcement agencies have very
limited capacity to deal with ethnic confrontations and social
problems. Has the interior ministry learned lessons from June 2010,
and is it training its officers to handle such situations? I don’t

Our prosecution service is completely toothless. People don’t have a
sense that is doing anything, so they carry on breaking the law.
Someone needs to put their foot down and say “enough is enough, that’s
a criminal offence, a serious breach of the law, incitement and wanton
destruction”. That isn’t happening.

In my view, the courts are moribund. Firstly, the selection process
for new judges has ground to a halt, and secondly, the authorities
have let a genie out of the bottle – the mob. There was a point where
the authorities gave in to the mob and let it pressure them into
taking decisions, and now they are past the point of no return. Until
the authorities learn to identify these people and make them
answerable before the law, it is the mob that will dictate terms.

As for civil society groups, we shout loudly, but even journalists and
our colleagues say it’s pointless issuing statements as they won’t
achieve anything. But what else can we do? We have only the one method
– raising our voices and calling attention to things.

All this is snowballing. I don’t know when it will hit us, because
spring is coming [period when protests take off in Kyrgyzstan] and we
can see that the geography of violence along ethnic lines is
expanding. First there was Mayevka, then June 2010, now Batken and
Chuy [scene of violence in Jangi-Jer village, largely populated by
ethnic Karachay.] So there’s been conflict with [Meskhetian] Turks [in
Mayevka], then with the Uzbeks, now with the Tajiks, and with the
[Karachay] people from the Caucasus in Chuy.

Who’s left? The Russians. And now the language issue is being raised.

Why should the search for Kyrgyz identity mean we have to suppress
others? Why can’t it be done on the basis of spirituality, culture,
law and tradition?

IWPR: What can be done to bring things back under control?

Oshurakhunova: The following factors have to be addressed: national
security, public safety, and employment. If these are not addressed
quickly, the gaps between different conflicts could get shorter and
the scale of violence could expand.

If the government does not come to its senses, if officials don’t stop
carving up businesses, and if they don’t tackle corruption, start
protecting the public and [strengthen] the security system, then
tomorrow, or the next day, conflict could reoccur.

IWPR: How would you describe President Almazbek Atambaev’s approach to
these matters?

Oshurakhunova: The president’s decree on urgent measures to strengthen
public security offers some hope. It’s designed to prevent destructive
forces turning individual conflicts into ethnic violence. He has sent
the bill to parliament and instructed the prosecutor general’s office
and the State Committee for National Security to implement it.

Thank God our voices have been heard. If his decree starts to be
implemented and isn’t derailed, the situation could improve.

When we met [Atambaev] on December 30, he talked about all these
things. But it worries me that he still refers to certain “third
forces” and “agents provocateurs”.

There are two real “provocateurs” – impunity for criminals and
irresponsibility on the part of those who should hold them to account.

IWPR: How does today’s nationalism link to the Soviet era?

Oshurakhunova: Xenophobia is on the rise. There’s anarchy and the
seeds of fascism. This does not come from politicians, thank God, but
from certain radical individuals.

I remember from my childhood that there were many Russians and only a
few Kyrgyz in affluent areas of central Bishkek. We were told, “Why do
you speak Kyrgyz? Speak Russian.” But that was then.

Let’s say a Russian passes by and I say, “In Soviet times you used to
discriminate against us, so now I’m going to beat you up.” He wasn’t
even born when the Soviet Union still existed. People alive today
cannot take moral responsibility for the past.

IWPR: What role do the media have to play?

Oshurakhunova: Media outlets here aren’t educational instruments and
they don’t expose social ills. They are simply political creations,
instruments of influence. It’s a business. Journalists have freedom of
expression, but media proprietors won’t let them exercise it. They
dictate the rules and if you want a job, you accept their conditions.
We need to develop independent, publicly-owned media.

Reconciliation needs to start with media coverage that promotes
tolerance, but how can that happen? The media outlets belong to
private owners.

IWPR: How can reconciliation be achieved?

Oshurakhunova: These days, no one wants to listen to politicians,
members of parliament, maybe not even to the president, the prime
minister, human rights defenders or the media. People want to hear
from figures in the arts, education and culture – but they remain
silent. If an artist or other public figure simply said, “This is not
on”. that would be much more powerful.

IWPR: What role do international organisations and NGOs have to play
in Kyrgyzstan?

Oshurakhunova: Maybe it should start with funding civic education
programmes. There used to be a lot of NGOs that donors funded to work
with young people. After 2005, international organisations decided – I
don’t know why – that there was no more need and all the civic
education programmes were closed. Five years later, are having to deal
with totally marginalised young people who think they can achieve
everything through threats of violence.

It needs to happen through the arts. If pop singers are performing
somewhere and simply start their concerts by saying they are for peace
and tolerance, that will be enough. People listen to their idols.

Interview conducted by Timur Toktonaliev, IWPR editor for Kyrgyzstan.


December violence used as stick to beat government critics who
complained about it.

By Dina Tokbaeva

The United States government and international rights groups have
expressed concern about a crackdown on opposition activists and
journalists in Kazakstan followiDecember’s bloodshed in the western
town of Janaozen.

Fourteen demonstrators were killed and more than 100 injured in
Janaozen on December 16, when Kazak police opened fire on protesting
oil industry workers. Witnesses said police fired indiscriminately
into the crowd, and footage posted on YouTube appeared to support

The authorities responded by rounding up opposition figures who they
say helped instigate the violence or present some other security

Following the violence, police arrested Vladimir Kozlov, leader of the
opposition party Alga; Igor Vinyavsky, editor-in-chief of opposition
newspaper Vzglyad; and opposition activist Serik Sapargali.

Kozlov and Saparali are charged with inciting social discord, while
Vinyavsky is charged with calling for the government to be overthrown.
The charge stems from leaflets he distributed calling for an
insurrection shortly after the overthrow of President Kurmanbek Bakiev
in neighbouring Kyrgyzstan in 2010, according to Reporters Without
Borders, RSF.

The three have been detained since January 23.

Police raided the Golos Respubliki newspaper after it called for
Vinyavsky’s release, and searched and closed down branch offices of
the Alga party. They questioned Golos Respubliki’s deputy editor Oxana
Makushina and its reporter Janna Kasymbekova, who covered the Janaozen
unrest, as well as well-known theatre director Bolat Atabaev and youth
activist Janbolat Mamay.

Atabaev and Mamay were initially deemed suspects, but they have since
been classed simply as witnesses. Almaty-based analyst Pyotr Svoik, a
member of the National Social Democratic Party of Kazakstan, said this
appeared to be in part a conciliatory gesture, and in part “a signal
that they too could be arrested, but that it won’t happen as long as
they calm down”.

The police also arrested Ayjangul Amirova, an activist from Janaozen
and the main contact between the oil workers and their political
supporters. It was Amirova, detained on January 6, who first alerted
the media to the killings.

All four detainees – Kozlov, Vinyavsky, Sapargali and Amirova – are
linked to Halyk Maidany, an opposition coalition of politicians and
rights workers that has demanded an independent investigation into the
Janaozen violence. The group supported striking oil workers in the
town as they protested over several months last year, and its members
were among the first activists to visit the town after the killings.

In a February 9 statement, Ian Kelly, the US ambassador to the
Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe, said his
government was concerned about the clampdown and urged the Kazak
authorities to ensure transparent investigations and respect for the
basic rights of those detained.

RSF said it was extremely concerned about the way the press was being
treated, and “outraged” at the detention of Vinyavsky, who it said
should be released immediately.

“The authorities, even more paranoid as a result of riots in
Janaozen... are using the security argument as a pretext to step up
their crackdown on the media,” the Paris-based group said in a
statement on February 3.

The US-based watchdog Freedom House said the crackdown undermined
respect for fundamental freedoms and called on Kazakstan to live up to
its pledges to promote democracy and human rights.

Like the Vzglyad newspaper, Golos Respubliki is linked to Mukhtar
Ablyazov, an oligarch and political opponent of President Nursultan
Nazarbaev based overseas.

Nazarbaev’s political adviser Yermuhamet Yertysbaev has accused
Ablyazov of being behind the Janaozen disturbances, an allegation he

Ablyazov made international headlines when he was sentenced to 22
months in jail in Britain in February for contempt of court. The
former banker, believed to have left the UK for France, is accused of
embezzling at least five billion US dollars from the BTA bank in
Kazakstan, Reuters news agency said on February 24.

Ablyazov denies the legal claim against him, which was brought by BTA
and which he says is designed to rob him of his assets and silence him
as a Nazarbaev opponent.

In Kazakstan, analysts fear the authorities are using Janaozen as a
pretext to muzzle domestic critics.

Media analyst Artur Nigmetov said that if the media organisations now
being targeted were closed, many people would be unable to access
independent news, said

“These media outlets are the main irritants for the authorities. I am
afraid that persecution and repression of the opposition is only going
to increase,” he said. “The unregistered Alga party is on the verge of
disappearing, and journalists from the opposition Vzglyad and Golos
Respublika [newspapers] and online Stan.tv are under constant

In covering Janaozen, most media outlets in Kazakstan followed the
government line in suggesting it was the protesters who provoked the
violence, while accusing the opposition in exile of orchestrating the

However, the violence has ultimately created a public demand for more,
not less critical reporting, Nigmetov said.

“People don’t believe officials and want to know what really
happened,” he said, adding that in the Mangistau region where Janaozen
is located, many people have acquired satellite dishes so that they
can watch the opposition television channel K-Plus.

The station is based abroad and covered the Janaozen violence extensively.

The authorities’ attention is now shifting to dealing with supporters
of Vinyavsky and Kozlov, who have been staging small-scale protests
outside the offices of the National Security Committee, Kazakstan’s
intelligence agency, in Almaty, Oskemen (Ust Kamenogorsk) and other

Nigmetov said these demonstrators were being questioned, fined and intimidated.

The government denies trying to stifle opposition, maintaining that
the arrests were necessary to protect national security.

Yertysbaev said that he did not view Kozlov as an opposition leader or
Vinyvasky as a journalist, but saw both as part of a team hired by
Ablyazov to overthrow the political through “revolution, mass unrest,
chaos and violence”.

In an interview on the Liter newspaper’s website, Yertysbaev accused
international rights groups of taking a one-sided view by calling for
the two men’s release without acknowledging that their actions had
been unconstitutional.

He also alleged that Kazakstan’s opposition media were spreading
misinformation and encouraging protest, confrontation and civil
disobedience. While the opposition media generally was engaging in
“political extremism”, he said, K-Plus was waging an “information
terror” campaign against Kazakstan.

As animosity festers between the government and opposition, what
happens next remains uncertain.

Svoik believes the Kazak government often takes its lead from events
in neighbouring Russia, where President Vladimir Putin faces a
presidential election on March 4. That election will take place
against a backdrop of rising dissatisfaction galvanised by allegations
of fraud during the Russian parliamentary polls in December.

Putin is expected to win, but many people in Kazakstan will be
watching closely to see how the Russian public responds afterwards,
Svoik said.

Dina Tokbaeva is IWPR’s regional editor in Bishkek.



Europarliament member describes meetings with oil town residents, and
how the Kazak authorities are responding in the aftermath of violence.

By Saule Mukhametrakhimova

Kazakstan’s government needs to understand the close link between
respect for human rights and improved relations with the European
Union, according to Piotr Borys, a Polish member of the European

IWPR interviewed Borys, a member of Poland's Civic Platform Party,
after he visited the oil town of Janaozen in western Kazakstan, which
was the scene of violence on December 16, when police opened fire on
protesting oil industry workers.

IWPR asked Borys to share his impressions about how people in Janaozen
are coping in the wake of the violence, and about how responsive the
government has been to international pressure on the issue.

Piotr Borys: I cannot stress enough how tragic the situation in
Kazakstan was. However, since December last year there has been a
significant development – persons responsible for the whole situation
which led to the tragedy of December 16 are no longer in power.

The new governor of Mangistau region [appointed on December 22] and
new akim [mayor of Janaozen appointed on February 9] are determined to
set things right and resolve the problem.

During our visit, we were assured by the local authorities that they
are focusing their efforts on finding those responsible for the tragic
events and making sure that they will face appropriate punishment for
their actions. We have been also assured that victims and their
families are receiving the help needed.

The situation is extremely complicated and delicate, especially
because the authorities are partly responsible for the actions which
led to tragedy in Janaozen.

IWPR: There have been allegations of ill-treatment and torture of
detainees taken into custody following the violence. The authorities
deny this. How trustworthy are the statements they make?

Borys: I officially confronted the authorities with statements from
witnesses about the ill-treatment of participants and persons detained
during the events of the December 16-17…. The local authorities
officially admitted that they are aware of the situation and they are
committed to hold to account all those responsible.

Unofficially, we have been informed that ex-members of the police
force who opened fire at protesters and inflicted ill-treatment on
participants in the demonstration will be sent to court.

It should be emphasised that public opinion in Kazakstan and abroad is
focused strongly on developments concerning the Janaozen tragedy.

IWPR: The government is putting pressure on opposition activists,
accusing them of links to an exiled Kazak oligarch whom they allege
wants to stage a revolution in Kazakstan. Given that this is the
official view, how receptive were the officials you have met to calls
to end persecution of activists?

Borys: We were assured that the repression of leaders of the
opposition and media representatives had stopped. But they did confirm
that leaders of the opposition had been detained and that court
proceedings had commenced against them.

During meetings with opposition and families of those arrested, I got
the clear impression that they are living in constant fear for their
freedom and safety. They are too afraid to cooperate with
investigations or to talk openly about the tragedy.

I tried to explain that this is no longer just an internal matter for
Kazakstan. Moreover, the way this problem is handled will have massive
implications for the future of Kazakstan – for whether it will develop
towards democracy, or towards an authoritarian regime.

I firmly expressed the opinion of the European Parliament, emphasising
that this problem – if left unresolved – will always cast a shadow
over our relationship with Kazakstan. However, I strongly believe that
the declarations made by the authorities will result in positive

It is extremely important to us, and to me personally, to ensure that
opposition leaders and journalists who have been arrested get a chance
of a fair and transparent trial.... Without free media and independent
governmental opposition there is no democracy, and no chance of
improving the current political situation.

IWPR: The Kazak authorities have declined an offer to send
international experts to be part of the probe into Janaozen. Do you
think the chances of that happening have now been exhausted?

Borys: We have been calling, and continue to call, for the presence of
independent international observers in all of the proceedings.

The Kazak authorities are of the opinion that this is an internal
matter, and that the presence of an external delegation could pose a
threat to the sovereignty of Kazakstan. I nevertheless believe that
international public opinion should persistently press for such a

IWPR: What do you think your visit to Janaozen achieved?

Borys: First, the change in the attitude of the authorities and
prosecutors is noticeable. The clear attempt to be open to cooperation
with external bodies... and the promise of transparent and fair court
proceedings are very promising.

Secondly, our actions clearly presented the position of the European
Parliament with regard to the rights and treatment of opposition
members and journalists who have been arrested.

Finally, it is crucial that the authorities understand that economic
cooperation is closely connected with respect for human rights and
fundamental freedoms. Further economic cooperation between the EU and
Kazakstan will not be possible unless the situation with the
opposition and free media improves.

IWPR: The efforts of a group of MEPs like yourself, and your
colleagues from a number of other countries, have focused on getting
the EU to link signing of the New Enhanced Partnership and Cooperation
Agreement with Kazakstan to demands relating to Janaozen. How much
progress have MEPs made towards achieving this?

Borys: Our actions are mainly diplomatic in nature. We have presented
our opinion to Kazak authorities, and received assurances that these
issues will be resolved. Now we are waiting for the actions that back
up those declarations....

IWPR: How did you get involved in raising the Janaozen issue?

Borys: My involvement in these matters began quite accidentally. I was
asked by the Poland-based NGO, Open Dialogue Foundation, to organise a
meeting between Kazak opposition leaders and MEPs. During this
meeting, I became very interested in the subject-matter.

After their visit to the European Parliament, members of the
opposition [Alga party leader Vladimir Kozlov and Vzglyad newspaper
editor Igor Vinyavsky] were arrested on their return to Kazakstan.

Since then, I have been very concerned about the political situation
in Kazakstan.

Saule Mukhametrakhimova is IWPR Central Asia editor.

**** http://iwpr.net/ **********************************************************

REPORTING CENTRAL ASIA provides the international community with a
unique insiders' perspective on the region. Using our network of local
journalists, the service publishes news and analysis from across
Central Asia on a weekly basis.

The service forms part of IWPR's Central Asia Project based in Almaty,
Bishkek, Tashkent and London, which supports media development and
encourages better local and international understanding of the region.

IWPR's Reporting Central Asia is supported by the UK Community Fund.
The service is published online in English and Russian.

The opinions expressed in Reporting Central Asia are those of the
authors and do not necessarily represent those of the publication or
of IWPR.

REPORTING CENTRAL ASIA: Editor-in-Chief: Anthony Borden; Senior Editor
and Acting Managing Editor: John MacLeod; Central Asia Programme
Director: Abakhon Sultonnazarov; Central Asia Editor: Saule

Borden; Head of Programmes: Sam Compton.

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IWPR – Giving Voice, Driving Change

To contact IWPR please go to: http://iwpr.net/contact

IWPR - Europe, 48 Gray’s Inn Road, London WC1X 8LT, UK
Tel: +44 20 7831 1030

IWPR – United States, 729 15th Street, NW Suite 500, Washington, DC
20005, United States
Tel: +1 202 393 5641

Stichting IWPR Nederland, Eisenhowerlaan 77 K, 2517 KK Den Haag, The Netherlands
Tel: +31 70 338 9016

For further details on this project and other information services and
media programmes, go to: http://iwpr.net/

ISSN: 1477-7924 Copyright © 2009 The Institute for War & Peace Reporting

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