Fallujah's empty promise, the "decisive" battle of Fallujah has 
proved somewhat disappointing for the U.S. military, and for good 
reason. The Pentagon was hoping that many thousands of Iraqi 
insurgents had dug in to defend their vital base in Fallujah, but 
like smart guerrillas in Latin America and Vietnam, the Iraqi 
insurgents decided against turning the town into some sort of " 
Alamo" just to please the Americans. 
 
News that only light resistance greeted the U.S. and Iraqi 
government forces is perplexing to the American military leaders, 
but not to the guerillas, who have repeated the tactis of the 
Vietcong in catching the US in a giant trap. Fallujah is more  than 
a city, it is now symbolic of a network: it's Baghdad, Ramadi, 
Samarra, Latifiyah, Kirkuk, Mosul. Streets on fire, bombs going off, 
Americans pinned down everywhere: Infinite numbers of Fallujahs 
bleeding the occupier with a thousand cuts. 

Massive US military might is useless against a mosque network in 
full operation. The message is being relayed all over the Sunni 
triangle through a network of mosques. The mujahideen tactics are, 
classic tactics applied to urban warfare but in the context of  the 
desert: snipers on rooftops, snipers escaping on bicycles, mortar 
fire from behind abandoned houses, rocket-propelled-grenade attacks 
on tanks, Bradleys being ambushed, barrages of as many as 200 
rockets, instant dispersal, "invisible" regrouping. The strategy is 
clear: the resistance is united across Iraq. Insurgents say they are 
fighting not just for Fallujah, but for all Iraq.

One American officer put it this way:  "In military terms,
Fallujah 
is not going to be much of a plus at all," says Bernard Trainor,
a 
retired three-star Marine Corps general. "The downside is that
we've 
knocked the hell out of this city, and the only insurgents we really 
got were the collateral damage, the civilians, and the nut-cases, 
the guys who really want to die for Allah. But the smart ones
left." 
Meanwhile, Fallujah is a demonstration of American "shock and awe" 
backfiring and losing the US popular support even further. Civilians 
have told families and friends in Baghdad that the US bombing has 
been worse than Baghdad suffered in March 2003. The Pentagon is 
pulling out all stops to "liberate" the people of Fallujah. 
According to residents, the city is now littered with thousands of 
cluster bombs. The Washington Post has confirmed that US troops are 
firing white-phosphorus rounds that create a screen of fire 
impervious to water. Dr Muhammad Ismail, a member of the governing 
board of Fallujah's general hospital "captured" by the Americans at 
the outset of Operation Phantom Fury, has called all Iraqi doctors 
for urgent help. Ismail told Iraqi and Arab press that the number of 
wounded civilians is growing exponentially - and medical supplies 
are almost non-existent. He confirmed that US troops had arrested 
many members of the hospital's medical staff and had sealed the 
storage housing medical supplies. 
The wounded in Fallujah are in essence left to die. There is not a 
single surgeon in town. And practically no doctors as well, as the 
Pentagon decided to bomb both the al-Hadar Hospital and the Zayid 
Mobile Hospital. So far, the International Committee of the Red 
Cross has reacted with apathy.
For the first time since the interim Iraqi government of Ayad Allawi 
took power, the interim Iraqi leader showed that he was willing to 
deal with the insurgents on their own terms: with raw power and 
violence 
For Allawi, the die has been cast. His own fate is now inexorably 
tied to the decision to attack in Fallujah, as demonstrated with 
tragic clarity by the kidnapping and threat to behead several 
members of his family this week. His government's feelers over
the 
past few weeks toward an accommodation with the insurgents were 
rebuffed by their representatives and in any case would have been 
vetoed by the United States. Allawi's strategy is the iron fist,
and 
now he has to use it or lose it. 
Only hope is defusing the disenfranchisement bomb
For the American plans to succeed, hope now lies more than ever in 
the ability of the coming elections to empower leaders who can 
somehow cut the kind of deal that peels off Iraqi nationalists from 
the insurgent camp. But the Sunni Iraqi resistance is now regrouping 
and uniting itself into a full revolution. 

According to sources in Baghdad, the leaders of the resistance 
believe there's no other way for them to expel the Americans and for 
the Sunnis to be restored to power - especially because if elections 
are held in January, the Shi'ites are certain to win.

Sunni Iraqis are more than ever aware they are excluded from the 
Bush administration's "democratic" plans for Iraq. The only Sunni 
political party in interim premier Iyad Allawi's "government" is now 
out. And the powerful Association of Muslim Scholars (AMS) - the 
foremost Sunni religious body - is now officially boycotting the 
January elections. There are unconfirmed reports that Sheikh 
Abdullah al-Janabi, the head of the mujahideen shura (council) in 
Fallujah and a very prominent AMS member, died when his mosque, Saad 
ibn Abi Wakkas, was bombed.

While it may be crucial for the United States do everything possible 
to ensure that voting takes place in as many parts of the Sunni 
Triangle as possible, the steady drumbeat of bombings killing 
Iraqi's who sign up or `collaborate' with the American
sponsored 
police forces or public ministries is evidence that the elections 
touted by George Bush will be undermined or  severely compromised. 

If the vote brings to the polls only the Kurds and Iraq's largest 
ethnic group, the Shiites, it could leave Sunnis completely 
disenfranchised. Therefore, the Iraqi resistance does not care if 
thousands of mujahideen are smashed to pieces and it will do all in 
its power to make sure that full and fair elections cannot happen. 
In fact  it is actually gearing up for a major strategic victory. 

Therefore, it is not in its interests to cooperate with the American 
sponsored elections.And if all do not participate fully and fairly, 
the elections will  not be seen as valid in the eyes of many 
Iraqi's. 

Thus, the big question is the elections � they are the key,"
says 
David Phillips, who served through most of the first term of this 
Bush administration as a senior adviser on Iraq matters before 
stepping down in September. "Can you make elections go forward in 
Fallujah and elsewhere by rolling over the city? I don't think
so. 
You can't bring people to the polls at gunpoint."
This calls into question the hope that the American plan to hold the 
elections and isolate or expose anti-American zealots, and
"foreign 
fighters" separating them from the insurgency is going to become 
reality anytime soon. 

They may be decimated little by little, but the fact is, the 
continued attacks and the unpopularity of the Americans negates the 
likelihood that full and fair elections can take place involving the 
Sunnis as well as the Kurds and the Shiites, all participating with 
complete cooperation. Thus, any vote, that is not seen as 
legitimate, held by an intermim government that is seen as an 
American puppet government, is a prescription for many more years of 
American troops in harm's way. They have everything to gain and 
nothing to lose by waiting the Americans out. They know that popular 
opinion and the cost of the war back in the States will continue to 
mount up pressure on Bush to get out of Iraq. And when you have an 
occupier in your land, while you've got nothing, what do you have
to 
lose?






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