George Orwell's 1984 Newspeak is alive and well in the current US administration.
" a checklist of the work the world will demand of this president and his subordinates in a second term." really means "a checklist of what we are going to do regardless of the risks to the world or what anyone says" Garth Cartledge > > From: "prezbotchistheultimatechimpanzee" <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> > Date: 16/11/2004 0:38:12 > To: [EMAIL PROTECTED] > Subject: [rhetoric-list] Neo-Con Agenda: Iran, China, Russia, Latin America > ... > > > > > by Jim Lobe > IPS, 5 November 2004 > www.globalresearch.ca 9 November 2004 > The URL of this article is: > http://globalresearch.ca/articles/LOB411A.html > > > --------------------------------------------------------------------- > > An influential foreign-policy neo-conservative with longstanding > ties to top hawks in the administration of President George W Bush > has laid out what he calls ''a checklist of the work the world will > demand of this president and his subordinates in a second term.'' > > The list, which begins with the destruction of Fallujah in Iraq and > ends with the development of ''appropriate strategies'' for dealing > with threats posed by China, Russia and ''the emergence of a number > of aggressively anti-American regimes in Latin America,'' also calls > for ''regime change'' in Iran and North Korea. > > The list's author, Frank Gaffney, the founder and president of the > Centre for Security Policy (CSP), also warns that Bush should resist > any pressure arising from the anticipated demise of Palestinian > leader Yasser Arafat to resume peace talks that could result in > Israel's giving up ''defensible boundaries.'' > > While all seven steps listed by Gaffney in an article published > Friday morning in the 'National Review Online' have long been > favoured by prominent neo-cons, the article itself, 'Worldwide > Value', is the first comprehensive compilation to emerge since > Bush's re-election Tuesday. > > It is also sure to be contested, not just by Democrats who, with the > election behind them, are poised to take a more anti-war position on > Iraq, but by many conservative Republicans in Congress. They blame > the neo-cons for failing to anticipate the quagmire in Iraq and > worry their grander ambitions, like those expounded by Gaffney, will > bankrupt the Treasury and break an already-overextended military. > > Yet its importance as a road map of where neo-conservatives -- who, > with the critical help of Vice President Dick Cheney and Defence > Secretary Donald Rumsfeld, dominated Bush's foreign policy after the > Sep. 11, 2001 attacks on New York and the Pentagon -- want U.S. > policy to go, was underlined by Gaffney's listing of the names of > his friends in the administration who he said, ''helped the > president imprint moral values on American security policy in a way > and to an extent not seen since Ronald Reagan's first term.'' > > In addition to Cheney and Rumsfeld, he cited the most clearly > identified -- and controversial -- neo-conservatives serving in the > administration: Cheney's chief of staff, I Lewis ''Scooter'' Libby; > his top Middle East advisors, John Hannah and David Wurmser; weapons > proliferation specialist Robert Joseph and top Mideast aide Elliott > Abrams, on the National Security Council (NSC). > > Also on the roster are: Deputy Defence Secretary Paul Wolfowitz; > Undersecretary for Policy Douglas Feith; Feith's top Mideast aide > William Luti, in the Pentagon; Undersecretary for Arms Control and > International Security John Bolton, and for global issues, Paula > Dobriansky at the State Department. > > Virtually all of the same individuals have been cited by critics of > the Iraq War, including Democratic lawmakers and retired senior > foreign service and military officials, as responsible for hijacking > the policy and intelligence process that led to the U.S. invasion of > Iraq in March 2003. > > Indeed, in a lengthy interview about the war on the most-watched > public-affairs TV programme, '60 Minutes', last May, the former head > of the U.S. Central Command and Secretary of State Colin Powell's > chief Middle East envoy until 2003, retired Gen Anthony Zinni, > called for the resignation of Libby, Abrams, Wolfowitz and Feith, as > well as Rumsfeld, for their roles in the attack. > > Zinni also cited former Defence Policy Board (DPB) chairman, Richard > Perle, who has been close to Gaffney since both of them served, > along with Abrams, in the office of Washington State Senator Henry M > Jackson in the early 1970s. > > When Perle became an assistant secretary of defence under Reagan he > brought Gaffney along as his deputy. When Perle left in 1987, > Gaffney succeeded him before setting up CSP in 1989. > > As Perle's long-time protege and associate, Gaffney sits at the > centre of a network of interlocking think tanks, foundations, lobby > groups, arms manufacturers and individuals that constitute the > coalition of neo-conservatives, aggressive nationalists like Cheney > and Rumsfeld and Christian Right activists responsible for the > unilateralist trajectory of U.S. foreign policy since 9/11. > > Included among CSP's board of advisers over the years have been > Rumsfeld, Perle, Feith, Christian moralist William Bennett, Abrams, > Feith, Joseph, former United Nations Ambassador Jeane Kirkpatrick, > former Navy Undersecretary John Lehman and former Central > Intelligence Agency (CIA) Director James Woolsey. > > Woolsey also co-chairs the new Committee on the Present Danger > (CPD), another prominent neo-con-led lobby group that argues > Washington is now engaged in ''World War IV'' against ''Islamo- > fascism.'' > > Also serving on its advisory council are executives from some of the > country's largest military contractors, which -- along with wealthy > individuals sympathetic to Israel's governing Likud Party, such as > prominent New York investor Lawrence Kadish and California casino > king Irving Moskowitz, and right-wing bodies, such as the Bradley, > Sarah Scaife and Olin Foundations -- finance CSP's work. > > Gaffney, a ubiquitous ''talking head'' on TV in the run-up to the > war in Iraq, sits on the boards of CPD's parent organisations, the > Foundation for the Defence of Democracies (FDD) and Americans for > Victory Over Terrorism (AVOT). He was a charter associate, with > Cheney, Rumsfeld, Perle, Wolfowitz and Abrams, of the Project for > the New American Century (PNAC), another prominent neo-conservative- > led group that offered up a similar checklist of what Bush should do > in the ''war on terrorism'' just nine days after the 9/11 attacks. > > His article opens by trying to pre-empt an argument that is already > being heard on the right against expanding Bush's ''war on > terrorism'': that since a plurality of Bush voters > identified ''moral values'' as their chief concern, the president > should stick to his social conservative agenda rather than expand > the war. > > ''The reality is that the same moral principles that underpinned the > Bush appeal on 'values' issues like gay marriage, stem-cell research > and the right to life were central to his vision of U.S. war aims > and foreign policy,'' according to Gaffney. > > ''Indeed, the president laid claim squarely to the ultimate moral > value -- freedom -- as the cornerstone of his strategy for defeating > our Islamofascist enemies and their state sponsors, for whom that > concept is utterly (sic) anathema.'' > > To be true to that commitment, policy in the second administration > must be directed toward seven priorities, according to Gaffney, > beginning with the ''reduction in detail of Fallujah and other safe > havens utilised by freedom's enemies in Iraq''; followed by ''regime > change -- one way or another -- in Iran and North Korea, the only > hope for preventing these remaining 'Axis of Evil' states from fully > realising their terrorist and nuclear ambitions.'' > > Third, the administration must provide ''the substantially increased > resources needed to re-equip a transforming military and rebuild > human-intelligence capabilities (minus, if at all possible, the > sorts of intelligence 'reforms' contemplated pre-election that would > make matters worse on this and other scores) while we fight World > War IV, followed by enhancing ''protection of our homeland, > including deploying effective missile defences at sea and in space, > as well as ashore." > > Fifth, Washington must keep ''faith with Israel, whose destruction > remains a priority for the same people who want to destroy us > (and ... for our shared 'moral values) especially in the face of > Yasser Arafat's demise and the inevitable, post-election pressure > to 'solve' the Middle East problem by forcing the Israelis to > abandon defensible boundaries.'' > > Sixth, the administration must deal with France and Germany and the > dynamic that made them ''so problematic in the first term: namely, > their willingness to make common cause with our enemies for profit > and their desire to employ a united Europe and its new constitution - > - as well as other international institutions and mechanisms -- to > thwart the expansion and application of American power where deemed > necessary by Washington.'' > > Finally, writes Gaffney, Bush must adapt ''appropriate strategies > for contending with China's increasingly fascistic trade and > military policies, (Russian President) Vladimir Putin's accelerating > authoritarianism at home and aggressiveness toward the former Soviet > republics, the worldwide spread of Islamofascism, and the emergence > of a number of aggressively anti-American regimes in Latin > America'', which he does not identify. > > ''These items do not represent some sort of neo-con 'imperialist' > game plan'', Gaffney stressed. ''Rather, they constitute a checklist > of the work the world will demand of this president and his > subordinates in a second term.'' > > --------------------------------------------------------------------- > > The Centre for Research on Globalization (CRG) at > www.globalresearch.ca grants permission to cross-post original > Global Research (Canada) articles in their entirety, or any portions > thereof, on community internet sites, as long as the text & title of > the article are not modified. The source must be acknowledged as > follows: Centre for Research on Globalization (CRG) at > www.globalresearch.ca . For cross-postings, kindly use the active > URL hyperlink address of the original CRG article. The author's > copyright note must be displayed. (For articles from other news > sources, check with the original copyright holder, where > applicable.). 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