Is ObamaCare Constitutional?  Do You Really Have to Ask?
 


While most members of Congress can’t or refuse to answer where and how the 
current ObamaCare proposal is constitutional – and all Nancy Pelosi could 
muster up when confronted with that question was, “Are you serious?” – some 
liberals have stretched the Constitution to the breaking point in efforts to 
justify the proposal. 

But in a Wall Street Journal op/ed this morning, Sen. Orrin Hatch, Ken 
Blackwell and Kenneth Klukowski blow such arguments out of the water.  
Enjoy….and save for future reference. This issue and questions won’t be going 
away anytime soon. 

Why the Health-Care Bills Are Unconstitutional 
If the government can mandate the purchase of insurance, it can do anything 

President Obama's health-care bill is now moving toward final passage. The 
policy issues may be coming to an end, but the legal issues are certain to 
continue because key provisions of this dangerous legislation are 
unconstitutional. Legally speaking, this legislation creates a target-rich 
environment. We will focus on three of its more glaring constitutional defects. 

First, the Constitution does not give Congress the power to require that 
Americans purchase health insurance. Congress must be able to point to at least 
one of its powers listed in the Constitution as the basis of any legislation it 
passes. None of those powers justifies the individual insurance mandate. 
Congress's powers to tax and spend do not apply because the mandate neither 
taxes nor spends. The only other option is Congress's power to regulate 
interstate commerce. 

Congress has many times stretched this power to the breaking point, exceeding 
even the expanded version of the commerce power established by the Supreme 
Court since the Great Depression. It is one thing, however, for Congress to 
regulate economic activity in which individuals choose to engage; it is another 
to require that individuals engage in such activity. That is not a difference 
in degree, but instead a difference in kind. It is a line that Congress has 
never crossed and the courts have never sanctioned. 

In fact, the Supreme Court in United States v. Lopez (1995) rejected a version 
of the commerce power so expansive that it would leave virtually no activities 
by individuals that Congress could not regulate. By requiring Americans to use 
their own money to purchase a particular good or service, Congress would be 
doing exactly what the court said it could not do. 

Some have argued that Congress may pass any legislation that it believes will 
serve the "general welfare." Those words appear in Article I of the 
Constitution, but they do not create a free-floating power for Congress simply 
to go forth and legislate well. Rather, the general welfare clause identifies 
the purpose for which Congress may spend money. The individual mandate tells 
Americans how they must spend the money Congress has not taken from them and 
has nothing to do with congressional spending. 

A second constitutional defect of the Reid bill passed in the Senate involves 
the deals he cut to secure the votes of individual senators. Some of those 
deals do involve spending programs because they waive certain states' 
obligation to contribute to the Medicaid program. This selective spending 
targeted at certain states runs afoul of the general welfare clause. The 
welfare it serves is instead very specific and has been dubbed "cash for 
cloture" because it secured the 60 votes the majority needed to end debate and 
pass this legislation. 

A third constitutional defect in this ObamaCare legislation is its command that 
states establish such things as benefit exchanges, which will require state 
legislation and regulations. This is not a condition for receiving federal 
funds, which would still leave some kind of choice to the states. No, this 
legislation requires states to establish these exchanges or says that the 
Secretary of Health and Human Services will step in and do it for them. It 
renders states little more than subdivisions of the federal government. 

This violates the letter, the spirit, and the interpretation of our 
federal-state form of government. Some may have come to consider federalism an 
archaic annoyance, perhaps an amusing topic for law-school seminars but 
certainly not a substantive rule for structuring government. But in New York v. 
United States (1992) and Printz v. United States (1997), the Supreme Court 
struck down two laws on the grounds that the Constitution forbids the federal 
government from commandeering any branch of state government to administer a 
federal program. That is, by drafting and by deliberate design, exactly what 
this legislation would do. 

The federal government may exercise only the powers granted to it or denied to 
the states. The states may do everything else. This is why, for example, states 
may have authority to require individuals to purchase health insurance but the 
federal government does not. It is also the reason states may require that 
individuals purchase car insurance before choosing to drive a car, but the 
federal government may not require all individuals to purchase health 
insurance. 

This hardly exhausts the list of constitutional problems with this legislation, 
which would take the federal government into uncharted political and legal 
territory. Analysts, scholars and litigators are just beginning to examine the 
issues we have raised and other issues that may well lead to future litigation. 

America's founders intended the federal government to have limited powers and 
that the states have an independent sovereign place in our system of 
government. The Obama/Reid/Pelosi legislation to take control of the American 
health-care system is the most sweeping and intrusive federal program ever 
devised. If the federal government can do this, then it can do anything, and 
the limits on government power that our liberty requires will be more myth than 
reality. 

(Mr. Hatch, a Republican senator from Utah, is a former chairman of the Senate 
Judiciary Committee. Mr. Blackwell is a senior fellow with the Family Research 
Council and a professor at Liberty University School of Law. Mr. Klukowski is a 
fellow and senior legal analyst with the American Civil Rights Union.) 
  



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