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----- Forwarded Message -----
From: JesusIsTHETruth <[email protected]>
To: [email protected] 
Sent: Monday, December 10, 2012 12:24 PM
Subject: Re: [TheFinePrint] Chinese Group Buys 80% of AIG Plane Unit for $4.2 
Billion


  
   So, does that mean the Muslims or the Chinese are 'out to get us'..?.. Do 
they both practice the same religion?  What is the main or major religion of 
China?  (answer:  Buddhism, followed by Daoism and Confucianism.)  Are the 
capable with Islam?  (depends upon who/whom you ask, some say yes, some others 
say no.. *shrug*)  
 
Regardless, they ALL (https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Major_religious_groups) are 
incompatible with 'true' Christianity.. ALL of them!  And by that I do not mean 
'democracy', for that's a political term and way which is foreign to "The 
Way".. (if this requires explaining, then 'at best', consider yourself 
deceived) .. 
 
In any case, the war has already been won, it's the individual battles and 
skirmishes which continue.. do not be alarmed, as scripture says that all 
things work for good to those who love Him.. 
 
I'm Just Sayin'..


From: Linda Robb 
Sent: Monday, December 10, 2012 11:09 AM
To: [email protected] 
Subject: [TheFinePrint] Chinese Group Buys 80% of AIG Plane Unit for $4.2 
Billion

  
-------Original Message-------

From: W.G.E.N.
I am sure there are those of you of an age to remember that saying in the 
'40's, "Beware of the Yellow Peril".  Most of us back then pictured Japan as 
the Yellow Peril but I think it really meant COMMIE CHINA.

YELLOW is often used to describe a COWARD.  Cowards have a habit of seeking 
revenge by being underhanded - working in secret behind the scenes to destroy 
those they target.  This is done over a period of time - it isn't fast or 
immediate - it is done with deliberate steps - slowly so as to not alert the 
one they are targeting.  It is SPIRITUAL WARFARE - tiny steps taken over a long 
period of time -  THE COOKING OF THE FROG.

Commie China has been buying up or leasing property around the world for 
decades.  It has also been buying up DEBT (I.O.U.'s) that has been created by 
the OCCUPATION FORCE that sits in OCCUPATION of what was America and is now an 
OCCUPIED TERRITORY ruled by foreign interests.

Commie China has been VERY active in Canada - especially related to the Oil 
industry.  
Commie China has been creating deep holdings in the Panama Canal zone [ 
http://www.eagleforum.org/psr/1999/nov99/psrnov99.html ].

Commie China has  been very active in buying up American assets  
[ 
http://articles.latimes.com/2012/aug/25/business/la-fi-china-us-investing-20120825
 ]  -
 
buying up American farmland 
[ http://www.naturalnews.com/034259_farmland_America.html ]  -  

buying up American homes 
[ 
http://www.theepochtimes.com/n2/united-states/foreigners-buying-up-america-again-278013.html
 ]

Buying up ports, toll ways, real estate, energy companies  (Keystone Pipeline)
[ http://americanfreepress.net/?p=6546 ]

Chinese Company Buys One-Third Stake In Chesapeake Shale Drilling Project. 
[ http://www.mineralrightsforum.com/forum/topics/chinese-company-buys-onethird ]

Teaching of Chinese in American Public Schools
[ 
http://abcnews.go.com/US/Parenting/mandarin-language-classes-mixed-reaction-chinese-institutes-motives/story?id=17485209#.UMYN73fhekw
 ]

There are many other links on these topics but this gives an idea of how 
invasive the Commie Chinese have been in America and in the land mass known as 
North America.

Jackie Juntti
WGEN   [email protected]
 
////////////////////////////////////////////////

----- Forwarded Message -----
From: Little Bright Feather <[email protected]>
To: [email protected] 
Sent: Thursday, December 13, 2012 3:08 AM
Subject: Re: [TheFinePrint] RR Secession: Is it unconstitutial as the MSM 
claims?

  
 
As far as I'm concerned, Liberal is just another term for Communist.  They like 
to recycle their terms every few decades to make it SOUND as if it's something 
new and exciting and more enticing.  More of a "lure'. 
So now Liberal is kinda worn out, so they are recycling "progressive", which is 
also a term for Communist. It was first used in the 1840's and then recycled by 
Wilson, and now again Hillary is who first used it again for our era today -  
another recycling of the term.  They will recycle Liberal as well in a few 
decades.
Socialist, Marxist, Progressive, Communist, Liberal - all are Communists.  Back 
in the day all those terms were interchangeable.
 
 
----- Original Message ----- 
From: MJ
To: [email protected] 
Sent: Wednesday, December 12, 2012 7:37 AM
Subject: Re: [TheFinePrint] 
RR Secession: Is it unconstitutial as the MSM claims?


////////////////////////////////////////////

Wed, Dec 5, 2012 at 11:17 AMDec 5Message starred
from MJ to 1 recipient
[We the People] Is Secession a Right?
Show Details
Is Secession a Right? 
Wednesday, December 05, 2012 
by David Gordon 
Grant defeated Lee, the Confederacy crumbled, and the idea of secession 
disappeared forever, or at least that's what the conventional wisdom says. 
Secession is of no historical irrelevance. Quite the contrary, the topic is 
integral to classical liberalism. Indeed, the right of secession follows at 
once from the basic rights defended by classical liberalism. As even Macaulay's 
schoolboy knows, classical liberalism begins with the principle of 
self-ownership: each person is the rightful owner of his or her own body. 
Together with this right, according to classical liberals from Locke to 
Rothbard, goes the right to appropriate unowned property.
In this view, government occupies a strictly ancillary role. It exists to 
protect the rights that individuals possess independently ­ it is not the 
source of these rights. As the Declaration of Independence puts it, "to secure 
these rights [life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness], governments are 
instituted among men, deriving their just powers from consent of the governed."
But what has all this to do with secession? The connection, I suggest, is 
obvious: if government does not protect the rights of individuals, then 
individuals may end their allegiance to it. And one form this renunciation may 
take is secession ­ a group may renounce its allegiance to its government and 
form a new government. (It is not, of course, the only form. A group can 
overthrow its government altogether, rather than merely abjure its authority 
over them.)
The Declaration of Independence adopts just this position: whenever a 
government "becomes destructive of these ends, it is the right of the people to 
alter or abolish it." But the American colonists did not attempt to abolish the 
British government; rather, they "altered" it by withdrawal of the colonies 
from its authority. In brief, they seceded from Britain. As such, the right of 
secession lies at the heart of our country's legitimacy. Deny it, and you must 
reject the American founding.
One might here interpose an objection. Regardless of one's opinion of Jefferson 
and the Continental Congress, is it not consistent to accept natural rights, as 
conceived of by classical liberals, but refuse to recognize a right of 
secession? On this position, individuals have natural rights, but once they 
choose a government they are stuck with it. In response to this objection, we 
must distinguish two cases.
First, the position might hold that even if the government violates the rights 
it was established to secure, its subjects may not depart from it. But this is 
a strange contention: government exists for certain purposes, but it may 
continue unabated even if it acts against these very aims.
To this, it might be replied that to protect individual rights, resort may be 
had to means other than secession. One must concede to this view that 
alternatives to secession do indeed diminish the force of the imperative in its 
favor. After all, if a state may interpose its authority to block an enactment 
of the federal government within its borders, why must it also be accorded the 
right to leave altogether?
This view, I think, is logically consistent, but it has little to recommend it. 
Why should people give up this very potent means of keeping their government in 
check? To do so leaves their natural rights, if recognized in theory, nugatory 
in practice. At the very least we may say this: those who deny the right of 
secession have the burden of advancing a rationale for their view. Why should 
supporters of natural rights reject the right of secession?
Opponents of secession may, however, take a less extreme position. They may 
concede that secession is to be allowed should the government violate 
individual rights, but not otherwise. A group may not renounce duly-constituted 
authority just because it would rather be governed by others. Does not the 
Declaration itself say that governments should not be changed for "Light and 
transient causes"?
This position no doubt is stronger than the utter repudiation of secession, but 
we must once more inquire: What is its justification? Prima facie, it appears 
that to hold that a group may remove itself from a government's authority 
whenever it pleases is more in line with classical liberalism's purely 
functional view of government. To deny this insinuates that the state is 
something other than a tool to secure rights. Just as an individual need not 
retain the services of a business, but may change to another, why may not a 
group switch protective agencies?
Further, the Declaration of Independence need not be read to endorse only a 
limited right of secession. The passage that refers to light and transient 
causes forms part of a discussion of when change of government is prudent, but 
the issue that concerns us here is not prudence, but rights. Many exercises of 
one's rights are imprudent ­ I may have the "right" to walk into oncoming 
traffic, if the signal is in my favor ­ but I have these rights regardless. 
Thus, a group may secede imprudently, but act within its rights. Once more: If 
not, why not?
The argument may proceed one more step. Suppose a group wishing to secede is 
guilty of violating individual rights. Does it still have the right to secede? 
I do not see why not. Of course, it should not violate individual rights, but 
why should the fact that the group does so compel it to submit to a government 
it no longer wishes to obey?
Allen Buchanan, whose Secession is the most influential discussion of our topic 
in contemporary American philosophy, rejects the legitimacy of Southern 
secession in 1861 on the grounds just suggested.[1] Since slavery violated 
rights, no slaveholding state had the right to leave the Union. But why does 
this follow? (Incidentally, Buchanan holds that Southern secession, absent 
slavery, would have been justifiable.) Clearly, Buchanan'sdiscussion of the 
Southern case would have gained from close attention to the contemporary 
arguments of the Southern secessionists.
We may distinguish an even more difficult case. Suppose that a group which 
violates individual rights secedes. May the government formerly in authority 
interfere only to the extent necessary to secure the rights of those put at 
risk by the secession?
Even here, we need to sound a note of caution. The attempt to resist secession 
may itself lead to rights violations, and the benefits of intervention need to 
be weighed carefully against its costs. Even if one agrees with Locke that 
there is a general right to enforce the law of nature, this generates noduty to 
do so.
Robert Barro, a distinguished economist associated with the "rational 
expectations" movement, has addressed this issue with insight. Of course, 
during the Civil War, Lincoln's government did not act only to secure the 
rights of the enslaved. But suppose that it had. Would it have been justified 
in using force to resist secession?
Not, Barro suggests, given the cost of doing so:

The U.S. Civil War, by far the most costly conflict ever for the United States 
… caused over 600,000 military fatalities and an unknown number of civilian 
deaths, and it severely damaged the southern economy. Per capita income went 
from about 80 percent of the northern level before the war … to about 40 
percent after the war.… It took more than a century after the war's end in 1865 
for southern per capita income to re-attain 80 percent of the northern level.[2]
But, it may be replied, this quotation from Barro does not address the point at 
issue. No one denies the costs of the Civil War, but our question concerns 
justification: Does one have the right to interfere with a secessionist group 
that violates rights?
Yet surely the point raised by Barro is relevant. The costs of an action cannot 
be dismissed as irrelevant to morality. This is all the more true if one takes 
account of another issue that Barro raises. The claim, once more, is that the 
Civil War illustrates (or rather, would illustrate, had it been conducted 
differently) the thesis that secession may be blocked to protect individual 
rights.
Barro here makes a typical economist's point. The goal of defending individual 
rights could likely have been secured through less costly means.

Everyone would have been better off if the elimination of slavery had been 
accomplished by buying off the slave owners ­ as the British did with the West 
Indian slaves during the 1830s ­ instead of fighting the war.[3]
And what if this proposal is dismissed as unrealistic? What would have happened 
to slavery had the Southern states been allowed peacefully to secede? Barro 
suggests that slavery would soon have come to an end anyway. Here a more 
detailed discussion by historian Jeffrey Hummel lends support to Barro's view:

No abolition was completely peaceful, but the United States and Haiti are just 
two among twenty-odd slave societies where violence predominated. The fact that 
emancipation overwhelmed such entrenched plantation economies as Cuba and 
Brazil suggests that slavery was politically moribund anyway.… Historical 
speculations about an independent Confederacy halting or reversing this 
overwhelming momentum are hard to credit.[4]
But have we not addressed our question on too narrow a front? However 
ill-advised Northern policy was during the Civil War, this does not suffice to 
show that any resistance to secession that aims to defend individual rights is 
without justification. Here, for once, I grant the objection, but those who 
wish to restrict secession in cases of this kind need to show how their 
preferred interventions may avoid the costs that our example illustrates.
At one point, I fear, this analysis of secession lies open to misunderstanding. 
Secession arises from individual rights: I have not attempted to defend it as a 
group right unreducible to individual rights. Thus, it by no means follows that 
the majority of those living in a territory can compel these residents to 
secede who do not wish to do so. The question is not one of majorities or 
minorities but of individuals. As such, the argument offered here in no way 
depends on "democratic" assumptions.
The issue has been addressed with unsurpassed clarity by one of the foremost of 
all classical liberals, Ludwig von Mises.

The right of self-determination … thus means: whenever the inhabitants of a 
particular territory, whether it be a single village, a whole district, or a 
series of adjacent districts, make it known, by a freely conducted plebiscite, 
they no longer wish to remain united to the state to which they belong at the 
time … their wishes are to be respected and complied with.[5]
Mises emphasizes that this right

extends to the inhabitants of every territory large enough to form an 
independent administrative unit. If it were in any way possible to grant this 
right of self-determination to every individual person, it would have to be 
done.[6]
Once one has grasped Mises's point, the fallacy in an often-heard argument is 
apparent. Some have held that the Southern states acted "undemocratically" in 
refusing to accept the results of the election of 1860. Lincoln, after all, 
received a plurality of the country's popular vote.
To a Misesian, the answer is obvious: so what? A majority (much less a 
plurality) has no right to coerce dissenters. Further, the argument fails on 
its own terms. It was not undemocratic to secede. The Southern states did not 
deny that Lincoln was in fact the rightfully elected president. Rather, they 
wanted out just because he was. Democracy would oblige them only to acknowledge 
Lincoln's authority had they chosen to remain in the Union.
But a problem now arises. I have endeavored to defend secession from an 
individual-rights standpoint. Notoriously, Mises did not acknowledge natural 
rights. I fear that, like Jeremy Bentham, he regarded declarations of rights as 
"nonsense on stilts." Why, then, did Mises accept self-determination?
Mises's reasoning is characteristically incisive. If people are compelled to 
remain under a government they do not choose, then strife is the likely 
outcome. Recognition of the right to secede "is the only feasible and effective 
way of preventing revolutions and civil and international wars."[7] 
Mises'sargument does not rest on natural rights, but it is of course consistent 
with the approach I have sketched out. Regardless of one's moral theory, it is 
surely a strong point in favor of a view that it has beneficial consequences.
http://youtu.be/AHrUtB3rO3Y
Listen to David Gordon's talk, "The Fallacy of Anti-Secessionism," from the 
1995 Mises Institute conference, "Secession, State, and Economy."

David Gordon covers new books in economics, politics, philosophy, and law for 
The Mises Review, the quarterly review of literature in the social sciences, 
published since 1995 by the Mises Institute. He is author of The Essential 
Rothbard, 


Notes
[1] Allen Buchanan, Secession: The Morality of Political Divorce from Fort 
Sumter to Lithuania and Quebec (Boulder, Colo.: Westview, 1991).
[2] Robert J. Barro, Getting It Right: Markets and Choices (Cambridge, Mass.: 
MIT Press, 1996), pp. 26–27.
[3] Ibid., p. 28. Several of my remarks have been adapted from David Gordon, 
"In Defense of Secession," review of Getting It Right: Markets and Choices, by 
Robert J. Barro, The Mises Review 3, no. 1 (Spring 1997): 1–5.
[4] Jeffrey Rogers Hummel, Emancipating Slaves, Enslaving Free Men(Peru, III.: 
Open Court, 1996), p. 352.
[5] Ludwig von Mises, Liberalism: In the Classical Tradition 
(Irvington-on-Hudson, N.Y.: Foundation for Economic Education, 1985), p. 109.
[6] Ibid., pp. 109–10.
[7] Ibid., p. 109.
-------------------------------------------
Do not separate text from historical background. If you do, 
you will have perverted and subverted the Constitution, which 
can only end in a distorted, bastardized form of illegitimate 
government.  -- James Madison

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