The orphans still fighting for life

Sixteen years after the West was shocked by images of abused children
in Romanian orphanages, the decaying homes are being closed to comply
with EU membership demands. But many of the orphans are being pushed
out into places where they are even more at risk

Peter Stanford in Bucharest
Sunday March 26, 2006
The Observer


The group of teenagers standing in the seedy hallway look more
intrigued than worried. 'Are you the police?'
The police drop in regularly at the Pinocchio Orphanage in Bucharest,
just around the corner from the Gara de Nord railway terminus. Many
of its 100 residents have been found on the streets near the station,
or in the sewers below.

With battered concrete stairwells and corridors, peeling paintwork,
bars on the windows, bunk beds packed into too-small rooms, an ever-
present pack of stray dogs and an overwhelming stench of boiled food
and stale cigarettes, Pinocchio is just the sort of institution that
is supposed to be part of Romania's unhappy communist past. One of
the conditions for the country's imminent European Union membership
is total reform of its childcare system. Europe wanted no more of the
images of starving, children in crumbling orphanages which made
Romania a byword for child neglect after the fall of Nicolae
Ceausescu in 1989.

Officials are keen to trumpet they are models of good practice in
looking after children. Cosmina Simiean, senior counsellor to the
child protection minister, goes so far as to suggest Romanian
provision is now better than in other EU nations. A decision is
expected next month on whether Romania can join the EU in 2007 or
must wait until 2008.

There has been some improvement. Supported by millions of euros from
Brussels, the number of children in institutions has dropped by half
from almost 60,000 in the year 2000. The number reunited with
families or in foster or small family style homes has risen from
12,000 to 50,000. Amid the back-slapping, however, are voices of
concern - not least that of the author JK Rowling, who was in
Bucharest last month - at how far reforms on paper have penetrated
orphanages like the Pinocchio.

Dealing with the needs of a generation of children abandoned in poor
facilities, EU pressure may be dictating too ambitious a timetable
for dispersing the troubled youngsters into a community too poor and
prejudiced to sustain them.

Romanians are impatient to play down anything that might postpone the
happy ending of their journey from communist hell-hole to modern
European state. Having, on average, one seventh of the purchasing
power of western Europeans, they believe, perhaps naively, that EU
membership will transform an economy where the majority still live in
grinding poverty, crammed three generations to a room in crumbling
Soviet-era tower blocks, or scrape a living in farming. Next to such
hopes, the fate of children long accustomed to being shut away, out
of sight and out of mind, is little more than a distraction.

So are the children, such as Sauter, 17, at Pinocchio just at the
back of the queue of beneficiaries of a brave new world?

Tall, blond and teenager-gaunt, Sauter has a smattering of English.
He has been here for 11 years. After his parents divorced, his father
lost contact and his mother went off with his little sister to find
work in Vienna. She handed her son over to the care of the state. He
has heard nothing from her since. He stares defiantly when
questioned, his arms crossed over his chest. 'I never think about
her.'

Such stories are commonplace. Romania's economy relies on funds sent
back from expatriates, and many parents go abroad as the only way out
of poverty. Most leave their children behind.

There is a pervasive culture of child abandonment. Next to Sauter on
a derelict sofa in the bleak day-room, the TV oozing music in the
corner, Loreta, 16, is another long-term resident, with her brother
Markuf. She says, without ever meeting my eyes, that their mother
works and lives on the streets of Bucharest and comes to see her once
a year. Anca, also 16, was thrown out by her stepfather.

Emilia, 17, has no use for parents - hers abandoned her to go
overseas. Minutes later she is in tears, comforted by the friends
who, she says, are her family now. Emilia is to be one of the first
Pinocchio children to go into a smaller home, staffed by 'social
mothers'. Provision can be made until Emilia is 26 if she continues
in education. But she doesn't want to go. She cannot conceive of life
outside Pinocchio, but it is earmarked for eventual closure.

It may be easier to find homes for the younger children. Their
craving for affection is irresistible. Some linger in the corridor
outside, waiting to hug me. One calls me 'mama'. But who will take on
a difficult teenager? Then there is the prejudice against the
sizeable gypsy minority. A disproportionate number of children in
care come from Roma backgrounds where family bonds have traditionally
proved weaker. Most Romanians refuse even to countenance taking on a
Roma child.

The number of children abandoned here is staggering. In just one of
Bucharest's six administrative sectors, 135 children a year are
abandoned in maternity units by mothers. That is more than one every
three days. Unicef puts the national annual figure at 9,000, hardly
changed from the Ceausescu era.

You have to go back to communist times to understand the mindset. The
dictatorship encouraged breeding to staff state-controlled
industries. Contraception and abortion were not available. Parents
travelling to towns to find work were forced to stay in dormitories
and leave their children behind in state care. A 1954 law described
children as the property of the state rather than of their families.

Ceausescu also had a fascist streak. Any child who was less than
physically or mentally perfect was immediately taken away and put in
a closed institution where they couldn't be seen. A hair lip brought
a life sentence.

'In terms of children,' says Emma Nicholson, the Liberal Democrat MEP
and EU rapporteur on Romania from 1999 to 2004, 'Ceausescu left
Romania with the worst of both vile ideologies he embraced. Changing
that mentality is one of the greatest challenges facing the country.'
Adina Codres, head of child abandonment in Bucharest, adds: 'Our main
problem now is the emotional immaturity of parents. Many don't have
any parental role models to imitate.'

In western Europe we are used to social services being forced to step
in to help children in dysfunctional families. In Romania, parents
approach authorities to hand over their own children, seeing the
state as a relief from a burden.

There is, nevertheless, much pride among child protection services at
what has been achieved in a short time. Every childcare office we
visit presents folders of statistics for children moved out of old
institutions back into families.

In central Bucharest, in the shadow of the city's Arcul de Triumpf, a
copy of the Parisian original, there is the building once called
simply Cradle Number One - a grim 500-bed orphanage. It has been
renamed St Ecaterina's and refurbished with EU money as a daycare
centre for 200 disabled children, with speech therapists,
psychologists and hydrotherapy rooms. Seven-year-old Emilian has come
from Moldavia for therapy for his autism. His grandmother,
accompanying him in her traditional black hat and red shawl, has
already seen an improvement.

In another part of the capital, St Andrei's, a former 100-bed
orphanage, has been transformed into a kindergarten where poorer
families can bring their children for daycare, enabling parents to
work and keep their youngsters. Space has been found on the site for
a unit where young, vulnerable mothers can live for up to a year
after having children.

Bianca, 17, was thrown out by her family when her child, Dacia, was
born. Like many Romanians they held devout Orthodox Christian beliefs
and condemned a young unmarried mother. In the past, says the
centre's director, Dr Elena Tarta-Arsene, Dacia would have been just
another abandoned baby, but Bianca is now training as a hairdresser
to support the two of them.

A key part of EU intervention has been to insist Romania no longer
export its children. The government has been required to ban overseas
adoptions. 'Overseas adoptions were not done in the right manner,'
says Theodora Bertzi, secretary of state at the Romanian Office for
Adoptions. 'The system, the law and all the specialists involved were
oriented towards separating the child from the family. Now we have a
law that requires that everything is done to keep children with their
biological family and, if that fails, in foster care or adoptive care
within their own country.'

But the statistics can hide the stories. Nicu, 10, and his six-year-
old brother, Alin, lived for most of their lives in Luminita, one of
the orphanages. At EU insistence a closure date was set for the home.
Thanks to Fara, a British charity working here, foster parents were
found.

'They were a big challenge,' said Fara's Romania director, Cornelia
Mihaescu. 'They were completely wild and those years in an
institution had left deep scars. We believe they may have been
sedated while in the home to keep them calm. It was fairly standard
practice.

'But then they arrived in the foster mother's home, without sedation,
and they started smashing it up, ripping up sheets, smearing ink on
the walls and attacking other children at school. Although she was a
good woman who tried very hard, the foster mother could not cope,'
explains Mihaescu.

Fara went to the child protection team to explain that Nicu and Alin
could no longer stay with the foster mother, but Luminita was
closing. They made contact with the boys' father - a violent
alcoholic who had shown little interest in them - and they were
placed with him.

'He lives in a tiny room with no electricity. We have tried to
support him, but he doesn't want to know,' says Mihaescu. 'Food we
gave for the children was taken by the father's friends.' In the
statistics, Nicu and Alin appear as a success story - reunited with
their family.

At its 16-bed home in Jud Ilfov, a desolate suburb of Bucharest, Fara
cares for other children who slip through the net. The authorities
are keen that Mihaela and Marius, six and eight, an enchanting sister
and brother with big lashes and ready smiles, should be reunited with
their father. Their mother left two years ago for France, but he
lives nearby with a new girlfriend. When the children go for weekends
they return full of tales of drunken visitors, broken nights' sleep
and general anxiety.

They don't want to go again, but the authorities insist. 'If you are
asking me if there have been significant imperfections in the
deinstitutionalisation process, then the answer must be yes,'
acknowledges Emma Nicholson. 'But overall the new system offers the
best building blocks for the future. The improvements in so short a
time have been truly staggering.' Many charities working in Romania
have doubts about precisely that staggering speed. New laws are
welcomed, but they are concerned by the authorities' determination to
present childcare reforms as a job almost completed.

'They are not very open-minded to deal with,' says Iulian Mocanu of
Children on the Edge, a UK-based charity working with vulnerable
youngsters. 'It is difficult to approach them with sensitive subjects
because they take it personally. They can't be told they don't always
do their jobs properly. We are seeing a lot of children's rights
broken. They are not asked their opinion when it comes to important
changes in their protection plan. They have no say in transfers to
other centres or into care systems in other areas. They are
emotionally abused and verbally abused by people working in the
system. If I have a frustration, it is the fact that we have no one
higher to go and tell about this.'

The blue and gold EU flag is everywhere - on buildings, on the
overalls of workers in childcare centres, on the leaflets they hand
out. Yet in this EU fever there is evidence that with some vulnerable
youngsters, Brussels is achieving the very opposite of what it set
out to do. Theodora Bertzi insists the EU intervention over childcare
reform has been 'a support rather than a pressure'.

But asked if without the EU's time constraints it could have been
done better, even this minister hesitates and keeps her counsel.

http://observer.guardian.co.uk/world/story/0,,1739757,00.html








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