Romania's government

 
<http://www.economist.com/world/europe/displaystory.cfm?story_id=E1_RJPQJDR&;
login=Y> A new shaky coalition in Bucharest


Mar 29th 2007 | BUCHAREST
>From The Economist print edition

MAKING Romania a credible candidate to join the European Union was a
remarkable achievement. But keeping it a credible member may prove even
harder. That is the depressing lesson from the death throes this week of the
three-year-old coalition that brought Romania, with its 22m people, into the
EU in January.

Weeks of acrid public infighting since then have paralysed the government,
which unites the Liberals, led by the prime minister, Calin Popescu
Tariceanu, the Democrats (the party of the president, Traian Basescu) and a
group representing the Hungarian minority which has been a fixture of every
government for a decade. In February Mr Basescu and Mr Tariceanu argued
furiously on a live television programme, during which the president accused
the prime minister of lying.

Romania has been without a foreign minister for over a month. Mr Tariceanu's
candidate, a member of the European Parliament, was vetoed by Mr Basescu on
grounds of "insufficient diplomatic experience". Mr Tariceanu has appealed
to the constitutional court and is now acting as foreign minister himself.
He seems to have been egged on in his tactics by two hard-bitten (and
foreign) political consultants, Arthur Finkelstein and Tal Silberstein.

The breaking point came this week when the Liberals said they would stay in
the coalition only if the government pulled troops out of Iraq, and dumped
three ministers, including the non-party justice minister, Monica Macovei.
When the Democrats refused to agree, Mr Tariceanu pronounced the government
"dead" and started work on forming a new minority administration with the
Hungarians. He is hoping for tacit backing from the ex-communist Social
Democrats.

The outcome is unlikely to be a government burning with reforming zeal. It
was only by sidelining the sleazy Social Democrats that Romania managed to
get its EU membership application back on track. The likely successor for Ms
Macovei in the new government is a senator from the Hungarian party, Gyorgy
Frunda. He will have a job persuading outsiders and the political bosses at
home that he brings the same moral fervour and determination to the task as
his predecessor.

Ms Macovei's efforts to reform the legal system, reduce political
interference and end corruption were vital in persuading Brussels that
Romania was serious about modernising its state bureaucracy. But her
intolerance of local political habits, although admired by the public, won
her few friends in the elite. She had already lost a no-confidence vote in
the Senate. Her reforms are incomplete, though many are too far advanced to
stop.

The government crisis has come just before Romania reports to the EU on its
progress. The European Commission will publish its own assessment in June.
It is unlikely to trigger the safeguard clauses that allow Brussels to cut
aid and stop co-operation with Bulgaria and Romania if either starts
backsliding. But it will make uncomfortable reading. A report by Romania's
magistrates' council highlights the continuing problem of incoherent and
onerous legislation, understaffing in the judicial system and the small
number of big corruption cases resolved. It notes that Romania has the worst
record, after Russia, at the European Court of Human Rights. Cases lost
typically involve infringement of property rights or maladministration.

The Democrats, Romania's most popular political party, hope that Mr
Tariceanu's efforts to form and sustain a minority government will end in
failure. They (and Mr Basescu) want an early general election, which might
even be held at the same time as the (postponed) European election this
summer.

Ordinary Romanians treat the whole political circus, fought out with
scandalous allegations and screeching headlines in the highly partisan
media, with disdain. The economy is growing at a cracking 7.7%; unemployment
and inflation are falling; EU membership is highly popular even before much
cash flows in.

In that sense, indeed, Romania's story is a familiar one. All across
ex-communist eastern Europe, economies are growing fast, even as the
politicians supposedly running them squabble and dither. That may be fine
for now. But how these still-fragile countries would fare in an era of
currency wobbles or tight money may be another story.

Edward Lucas is the central and east European correspondent of the
Economist.

 <http://www.economist.com/help/copy_general.cfm> Copyright C
<http://www.economist.com/help/DisplayHelp.cfm?folder=663377> The Economist
Newspaper Limited 2007

----------------------------

Vali
"Noble blood is an accident of fortune; noble actions are the chief mark of
greatness." (Carlo Goldoni)

"When the power of love overcomes the love of power, the world will know
peace." (Jimi Hendrix)

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