Romania trebuie sa ceara in UE renuntarea la denumirea "romani" pentru "gipsy"
Denumirea de "romani" pentru romi este o denumire introdusa recent, si care
printr-o cerere oficiala a Romaniei si lobby, trebuie sa fie schimbata.
Avem o abundenta de articole si daca se da search pe internet se observa o
mare confuzie. Daca se cauta denumirea "romani" pe Google se observa ca se
refera la limba romilor, dar de asemnea in Engleza rom este scris "romani".
La fel cum scriem noi cetatenii Romaniei: "romani".
Romania trebuie sa ceara de urgenta, avand in vedere momentul creat in
Italia, sa se renunte in toate documentele oficiale ale UE a denumirii "romani"
pentru romi sau a denumirii "romani" pentru limba romilor. Se poate gasi o alta
denumire, desigur. Nu trebuie sa se foloseasca gipsy sau gitanes sau tiganes
daca romii nu vor asta, dar se poate gasi ceva care sa delimiteze clar poporul
roman de nationalitatea romilor. Nu se pot denumi romii "romani" iar noi sa ne
spunem la fel "romani". Nu se poate ca limba "romana" si limba "romani" sa fie
confundate datorita asemanarii izbitoare.
Iata un articol mai jos din care am extras doua paragrafe care arata
folosirea "romani":
The recent arrest of an ethnic Romani man from Romania for a brutal murder
sparked an outcry in Italy against his fellow countrymen.
The real state of play regarding immigration and the labor market has
unfortunately been overlooked amid all the news of Polish invasions and
Romanian (read Gypsy) hordes.
http://www.tol.cz/look/TOL/article.tpl?IdLanguage=1&IdPublication=4&NrIssue=247&NrSection=2&NrArticle=19231
Open Borders, Closed Minds
by TOL
7 December 2007
Movement from poor to rich EU countries is a far smaller problem than the
union's muddled migration policies.
Freedom abounds in the European Union. Well, in print at least: the word
appears nearly three dozen times in the European Union Treaty and the European
Community Treaty.
EU law-writers are masters of obfuscation, but at times they can express
themselves with admirable precision. The first paragraph of Article 39 of the
Community Treaty, for instance, concisely states, "Freedom of movement for
workers shall be secured within the Community."
All EU citizens are meant to enjoy freedom of movement in the bloc. So how is
it that entire populations of former communist states are still denied the
freedom to work wherever they please?
The "four freedoms" of movement of goods, services, labor, and capital rest on
a fundamental principle of EU law: No member state may discriminate against the
citizens of another on grounds of nationality.
So on what grounds did Italy recently deport a couple of hundred EU citizens,
nearly all of them Romanians?
The recent arrest of an ethnic Romani man from Romania for a brutal murder
sparked an outcry in Italy against his fellow countrymen. Italian authorities
defended the deportations, saying Romanians committed a disproportionate number
of crimes. EU Justice Commissioner Franco Frattini supported his country's
move, pointing out that the legislation on freedom of movement allows the
principle to be waived if necessary to protect public order and public
security. He was rebuked in a European Parliament resolution, and by individual
deputies, for breaking with the practice of EU commissioners not to get
involved in their home country's domestic matters, Hungary's Viktoria Mohacsi,
herself of Romani origin, asked if the justice commissioner's role was not "to
ensure that discriminatory measures are forbidden and make concrete proposals
to [encourage] member states to develop integration strategies?"
One Italian politician and staunch advocate of EU enlargement made a more
subtle criticism. Prime Minister Romano Prodi, an energetic former European
Commission president, suggested the union should move toward a common policy on
dealing with individual migrants rather than interfere with the fundamental
principle of free movement.
IMMIGRATION NOT THE PROBLEM
When "old" EU members were justifying their erection of barriers against
workers from most of the countries that entered the union in 2004 and 2007,
they did not argue for an infringement of free movement, although that is
exactly what they intended.
Rather, they fell back on the economic effect the arrival of large numbers of
new workers might have, although EU legislation does not anticipate any such
line of argument. Vienna blamed pessimistic economic forecasts. Berlin and
Brussels mentioned high unemployment. Paris enacted a gradual lifting of
restrictions, starting with low-paid sectors where workers were most needed.
The real state of play regarding immigration and the labor market has
unfortunately been overlooked amid all the news of Polish invasions and
Romanian (read Gypsy) hordes. It may come as a surprise to many Britons and
Italians to learn that labor migration from the new to the old member states is
comparatively insignificant compared to migration among the rich members or to
migration from outside the union.
As the European Commission noted last year, the effect of increased westward
movements of workers from the post-2004 member states has been "rather limited."
Eurostat data indicate that in 2005 and 2006, citizens of the new EU states
made up only 0.4 percent of the working-age population of the old members. In
contrast, workers from other old EU countries made up about 2 percent of the
EU-15 working-age population.
In truth, much of the pain due to labor migration from new to old members can
be traced back to the EU's inability to reach consensus on migration policy,
and beyond that to deep ideological rifts within the most prosperous free-trade
zone ever devised.
One step toward putting the question of westward migration within the EU on a
more rational footing would be to acknowledge that it is not about massive
population shifts.
Naturally, the media have focused on the countries where there has been a large
influx of Eastern European workers mainly Britain and Ireland. But there have
been few complaints about these "hordes" taking jobs from locals, and the
newcomers have not slowed the vigorous migration of workers from the older EU
countries.
TIME FOR REAL REFORM
Behind the talk of long-term migration, the aging workforce and making Europe
more competitive lurk the same dilemmas that have stalked the EU's back
corridors since the bloc's inception, becoming acute with the Maastricht
Treaty's announcement of "an ever-closer union" of economic and political
partners; the death of Maastricht's prodigal child, the European Constitution
project; and the constitution's rebirth as the wishy-washy "reform treaty" that
will soon go to members for consideration.
The dilemmas of balancing economic openness with national security or extending
economic freedoms into the sphere of private life; and the agonizing over how
much national sovereignty should be sacrificed for the sake of a more
streamlined, richer, and perhaps more secure union make for clamorous arguments
in the rich, western two-thirds of the EU but have relatively little impact on
most people's lives. Citizens of the other third feel these questions in a much
more tangible way, gallingly so when all they are trying to do is raise their
living standards.
"It's absurd to have 27 immigration policies in Europe," European Commission
President Jose Manuel Barroso remarked over the Italy-Romania spat.
But that is what the EU does have. The version of the reform treaty now
circulating would strip member states of the right to veto new immigration and
asylum laws. That will be a very welcome novelty and could lead to a more
humane way of incorporating newcomers into the bloc. Other innovations that
could simplify EU decision making and inject much-needed transparency include
cutting the size of the Commission and creating a permanent presidency to
manage EU leaders' summits. But even if all 27 members ratify the treaty it
will not come into full effect until 2017. The Commission and national leaders
not to mention Romania and Italy need to act long before then on fairer
migration policies.
Copyright © 2007 Transitions Online
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