What to speak of the illeterate, hungry and roofless hundreds of millions it is 
near impossible even for the educated and well-off sections to bear the brunt 
of corrupt and heartless governance we have in the country today.  Under the 
circumstances, this Naxal and separatist stuff is not at all a surprise.  
It is unfortunate that we have heard little and got even lesser action from the 
government on the underlying issues facing the nation:  mal and malafide 
governance, corruption, corrupted and delayed judicial system, absence of 
functional-effecient-effective redressal sysytems, etc.
But I doubt if we will ever wake up from our arrogant slumber, simply because 
we havent woken evn 62 years after "independence".  The outcome will be a 
disaster of gargantuan proportions a few years down the line, not just for us 
but for the entire world.
Victor.

--- On Wed, 4/7/10, Sukla Sen <[email protected]> wrote:

From: Sukla Sen <[email protected]>
Subject: [humanrightsactivist] In the Wake of Dantewada Massacre: Three 
(Divergent) Responses
To: [email protected], "chhattisgarh-net" 
<[email protected]>, "greenyouth" <[email protected]>, 
"IHRO" <[email protected]>, "issueonline" 
<[email protected]>, "indiathinkersnet" 
<[email protected]>, "bahujan" <[email protected]>, 
[email protected], [email protected], "common-concern" 
<[email protected]>, "humanrightsactivist" 
<[email protected]>, "international-peace-festival" 
<[email protected]>
Date: Wednesday, April 7, 2010, 8:29 PM















 
 



  


    
      
      
      [The IE editorial today despite its shrill tone quite interestingly draws 
pointed attention to the considerable divergences within the larger ruling 
bloc. That's significant.
In fact, no less than the Prime Minister of India has almost instinctively  
dismissed the Home Minister's suggestion that air power be used against the 
deadly Maoist insurgents by claiming that we're too close to the event to do a 
"review" of current policies.

But then a review is badly needed if not from the standpoint of Mr. 
Chidambaram. ] .
I/III.http://www.indianex press.com/ news/stayresolut e/601715/


Stay resolute [Editorial]

The Indian Express Posted online: Thursday , Apr 08, 2010 at 0218 hrs

The rhetorical ground on the Maoist insurgency had already been covered and the 
debate settled in the light of facts. That is why, after Tuesday’s well-planned 
Maoist ambush in Chhattisgarh’ s Dantewada district that left 76 security 
personnel dead in the worst single Naxal attack to date, the notes of discord 
being struck in certain political quarters are counterproductive. These seek to 
take the argument back to a point long left behind, one to which the Indian 
state cannot afford to return. Should the operations be scaled down? No. 
Because that would immediately cede territory recently recovered from Naxals 
back to them, precluding all chances of ending the insurgency. Should 
“provocative language” against Maoists be dropped? Here’s a counter-question: 
whence the idea that those who massacre 76 men after trapping them, those who 
for years have kidnapped and butchered civilians and policemen, blown up 
stations, roads, bridges, schools, burnt
 peasants’ crops, who have reiterated countless times their unwillingness to 
compromise till the state is destroyed — whence the idea that these people care 
about the softness or harshness of words?

The nation’s main opposition party, the BJP, has displayed realism and good 
faith in promising to support the government through this crisis. But its 
alliance partner, the JD(U), and the Samajwadi Party have not. It’s a leap of 
logic to blame Tuesday’s massacre on “provocation” of the Maoists. Does it 
occur to these critics that to mollify the Naxals or de-intensify Green Hunt, 
especially now, is to legitimise the rebels? If it does, they are opportunists 
in the garb of agnostics. If it does not, they join those activists who defy 
logic, in blaming “state violence” and the anti-Naxal offensive for the ambush. 
In countering such woolly-headed argumentation this is what had been 
established: Maoists are terrorists who hardly deserve the consideration the 
state accords to those it dares not “provoke”. The imperative is to boost 
paramilitary and police morale and training, not to feed the hesitation of 
states still unable to summon their
 full political will.

The Congress too must put its house in order: the time is past to question the 
“hardline” policy, the “aggressive” statements, which some Congressmen believe 
may be “counterproductive” . Hopefully, as the government has said, the goal 
remains restoring civil administration in Naxal-affected areas and rooting out 
Maoist influence. There will have to be changes to strategy and tactics, not in 
regressing to the Shivraj Patil years, but in taking the war against Naxals to 
its only humane conclusion: the victory of the state and of the people.

II.http://chhattisgarh .ozg.in/2010/ 04/naxal- butchers- 73-crpf-in- dantewada. 
html

Naxal Warfare in Central India


Arnab Sen




Maoist guerrilla attack kills 75 security personnel in Dantewada, in the 
indigenous homelands of Central India. Are security personnel cannon fodder in 
the 'Maoist infested' heartland of India? Should the state send in the Air 
Force? But what about collateral damage? These are some of the loud 
speculations in the the never-fail-to- miss-the- point mainstream media, the 
idiot news on idiot box. Till now, there's deathly silence in the more 
intelligent social media - at least parts of it I checked.



Why am I not surprised? Well, why should I be? The past couple of days my 
mediascape has been fairly flooded with stories of state oppression in 
Kalinganagar in Orissa and of hoodlums hired by the Tata group who have blocked 
access to food and healthcare for those who dared to oppose their corridor 
highway or whatever the hell that piece of road I'd love to see landmined is 
called. All the while Bombay House hides behind its halo of greenwashing - the 
Tatas, urban India would ask, surely not the Tatas? People I know and talk to 
have forgotten what the government and the Tatas had done in Kalinganagar in 
2006 - the blood that was spilt and which is now being spilt in revenge several 
times over across Central India. 



Some public intellectuals have woken up to the guises of Vedanta and its 
dubious owner and there's some backlash on their trying to acquire land to set 
up a university. The problem is a Vedanta or even a POSCO is a lot easier to 
nail down than, say a Tata. 



While our intelligence tells us that mining and petroleum extraction in 
homelands of indigenous peoples has pretty much the same outcomes, the media 
lets its inherent biases work in reporting. And public consciousness is unmoved 
- the people have been hoodwinked so long that they just don't care.



They call this a democracy - but I guess by now we've come to recognize that 
scam for what it is. It's time the state stopped fooling itself for now blood 
is being shed and we're fast heading toward endemic guerrilla warfare in major 
parts of our geography. The dubious mining deals and a state that has all but 
lost its credibility is not going to sustain for long - these same investors 
will turn their back on an unstable economy.



The solution? Bring things out in the public domain. Engage with academia, 
civil society, business, the social media. Engage with the people. Dare to own 
up that big dams was a big blunder - a state scam. Europe did that ages back, 
They're over and done with it. Dare to protect cultural and religious symbols. 
Respecting the past is wisdom. Declare geographies out of bounds for extraction 
of minerals, petroleum, whatever. Our home minister had the gall to say that a 
sacred mountain would not feed or clothe the Dongria Kondh people. Do these 
spokespeople of development policy have the faintest clue about the biological 
diversity in Niyamgiri and Gandhamardhan? Do they know about the wellness the 
forest affords people who live close to it? People whose food diversity and low 
morbidity give them a quality of life superior to that of others who score 
better on poverty indices? And would this minister and others of his thought 
say this with as much impunity
 had the bauxite been under Lutyen's Delhi, had it been Raisina Hill? Would 
they be just as callous had it been politically sacred and not an old religious 
and cultural symbol, some local obscurity, some folk Ramayana tale? I double up 
in laughter at the prospect of uranium under Lutyen's Delhi and leasing out 
Rashtrapati Bhavan to a mining company.



I think indigenous peoples have finally risen up. Quell them with airstrikes. 
Burn down forests. I suspect that is what this minister seriously wants to do, 
as in another of his insane diatribes he has wanted to see 90% of India 
urbanized. But the spirit will not be smothered.



The state needs to backtrack immediately. It needs to engage and do some 
serious course correction before there's more bloodshed it can gloss over, 
before someone calls the state's and media's bluff, before someone unmasks 
holier than thou CSR. Conscientious investment by the Church of England has 
pulled the carpet from under Vedanta's act. We are perhaps just a few years 
away from large scale conscientious consumption. 



The message to the old world order is loud and clear, change or perish.
III.http://online. wsj.com/article/ SB10001424052702 3037206045751696 
14063173730. html










OPINION INDIA

APRIL 7, 2010, 11:13 P.M. ET


Mao vs. Gandhi in Chhattisgarh

A naïve admiration for the Maoists is emblematic of the tendency in some among 
the Indian intellectual class toward left-wing utopianism.







By SALIL TRIPATHI



Maoist insurgents ambushed Indian security forces in the dense forest region of 
Chhattisgarh state in central India on Tuesday, killing over 70 troops of the 
Central Reserve Police Force. Analysts are calling it the worst single-day loss 
in fighting domestic insurgencies.



But despite such massacres, not everyone in India regards the Maoists with 
horror. One such apologist is the talented and articulate novelist Arundhati 
Roy who has, since her Booker Prize-winning 1997 novel "The God of Small 
Things," focused on bigger things, such as attacking Indian economic reforms, 
foreign investment, free markets, the United States and Israel.



In a rambling 19,500-word essay published a week ago in Outlook magazine in 
India and the Guardian newspaper, Ms. Roy writes of recent experiences 
following the Maoists in the Dandakaranya forest, near where the security 
forces were ambushed this week. The piece was headlined "Gandhi, but with guns."



The comparison is obscene. Not only does it suggest an amoral nihilism, it also 
represents a rewriting of history. A Gandhian with a gun is as absurd as a 
Maoist pacifist. India's founding father Mohandas Gandhi may not have been as 
perfect as some would make him out, but he did believe that only the right 
means could be used to reach an end, however noble. In 1922 he suspended a 
nationwide civil disobedience movement, when some Congress followers burned a 
police station in Chauri Chaura, killing over a dozen policemen and officers. 
Maoist ideology is precisely the opposite: The ends justify the means.



Ms. Roy herself notes that when she mentioned Mohandas Gandhi's non-violent 
struggle to the Maoists, they laughed hysterically. Despite her best efforts to 
portray a bucolic image of Maoists and tribals living harmoniously, their 
tranquility disturbed by forest officers, loggers, mining companies, and 
security forces, the truth still comes through. The Maoists show off an 
impressive arsenal of weapons, and their teenage recruits watch hours of reruns 
of violent ambush videos. The kids tell her they want to implement Mao's vision 
in India.



Ms. Roy's naïve admiration for the Maoists is emblematic of the tendency in 
some among the Indian intellectual class toward left-wing utopianism. In 
"Radical Chic & Mau-Mauing the Flak Catchers," Tom Wolfe lampooned the Park 
Avenue elite sucking up to the Black Panther terrorists who were killing cops 
in 1960s America. Is history repeating itself in India?



Nevertheless, just as in America three decades ago, the tide may be turning as 
ordinary voters become fed up with the violence. Maoists have been fighting the 
Indian state for over four decades under various names, including Naxalites, 
the name the movement got because of its origins in the town Naxalbari in West 
Bengal, where peasants revolted against landlords in the 1960s.



Like Maoists elsewhere, they are brutal. They conduct show-trials, sometimes 
executing the people they find guilty; they use improvised explosive devices 
and land mines; and they appear to use child soldiers. Since 2006, their 
attacks have become audacious, targeting police stations, power lines, schools 
and trains. They have not spared civilians and other "class enemies" who in 
their view collaborate with the state.



Even India's Communist Parties have distanced themselves from Maoists, and 
condemned their practices. The opposition Bharatiya Janata Party strongly 
supports the government in its battle. For his part, Prime Minister Manmohan 
Singh has called the Maoists' threat the gravest national security crisis the 
country faces.



To be sure, Indians living in forests have legitimate grievances. Their rights 
are routinely violated. Successive governments have failed them. Large 
companies, Indian and foreign, want the mineral wealth in those forests. The 
state hasn't built schools, nor equipped the few that are built. There are few 
primary health care centers, and the administration neglects remote areas. The 
rapidly modernizing and prospering parts of urban India ignores the region, its 
poverty, and its problems.



But the Maoists offer no solution. Their collectivist authoritarianism is 
culturally alien in an India where spiritual acceptance of fate prevails, and 
where, despite feudal structures, inequities and rigidities, there is social 
and economic mobility. With all its flaws, it is a real democracy. Maoists know 
they would never win power through the ballot box.



They can only win through force, by shocking the state, by spreading terror, 
and by scaring away the administration so that they can reach their end. Which 
is power, not the removal of poverty.

Maoists want an articulate messenger, and Ms Roy fulfils that role. Her poetic 
eloquence clothes their naked ambition of power, offering it respectability. 
Her fame helps make their struggle known to audiences abroad, where people with 
limited knowledge of India accept the romanticized image of warriors in the 
jungle fighting for justice that she writes about. In early April, while the 
Maoists were preparing to ambush the troops in the forest, Ms Roy was in 
Cambridge, Massachusetts, in a public forum with Noam Chomsky.



Ms Roy has explained Maoist violence as a response to the repressive state, 
suggesting that the tribal groups are rising against the state, getting even—an 
eye for an eye. But as Gandhi said, an eye for an eye leaves the world blind.



Mr. Tripathi, a writer based in London, is the author of "Offense: The Hindu 
Case" (Seagull, 2009).





-- 
Peace Is Doable





-- 
Peace Is Doable



    
     

    
    


 



  











      

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