How Swaziland's King Mswati Is Out of Step
By ALEX PERRY / LUBOMBO <http://www.time.com/time/letters/email_letter.html>
 Monday, Oct. 03, 2011

Swaziland's King Mswati III delivers a speech during the launch of a
campaign calling for his male subjects to get circumcised to curb the
spread of HIV infection, on July 15, 2011, in Mankayane
Jinty Jackson / AFP / Getty Images

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In the week of Swaziland's annual Reed Dance, tens of thousands of virgin
girls trek across the southern African kingdom to the Queen Mother's royal
residence, Ludzidzini. On the banks of the Little Usutu River, just below
the twin chutes of Matenga Falls, the women cut giant reeds into stacks and
carry them to the matriarch's cattle corral to lean against the fence as
symbolic fortification. The ceremony climaxes in a two-day parade in which
the women sing and dance in phalanxes organized according to region. King
Mswati III watches from his throne, wearing a leopard-skin loincloth and
three scarlet feathers in his hair. Sometimes he uses the occasion to pick
a new wife. He currently has 13.

The tourist literature for Swaziland, one of the southern hemisphere's
smallest nations, describes the country as the "Switzerland of Africa," a
land of noble tradition that is home to one of the world's oldest
monarchies. The reality is rather different, and the Reed Dance is a case
in point. For all the color of the ceremony, Mswati's polygamy looks
irresponsible next to what is today the world's worst HIV/AIDS epidemic:
infection among pregnant women is 41%, Swazi life expectancy is down to 43
years, and 31% of Swazi children are orphans. Likewise, the King's
estimated $200 million fortune and Swaziland's overpaid bureaucracy,
bloated with royal cronies, appear less than majestic alongside an
unemployment rate of 43% and the fact that 63% of Swazis live on $2 a day
or less.(Read "Swaziland: How Not to Be a
Royal.")<http://globalspin.blogs.time.com/2011/04/13/swaziland-how-not-to-be-a-royal/>

As one of the world's last absolute monarchs, Mswati, 43, increasingly
behaves more as a despot than as the caring father of a nation. He rules
with emergency powers that grant him ultimate authority over the
government, judiciary, army, police and legislature. Those who oppose him
must tread carefully. When the leader of the People's United Democratic
Movement (PUDEMO), Mario Masuku, suggests we meet at a secluded café on the
outskirts of the capital, Mbabane, his caution is understandable. Masuku
has spent several years in jail, accused of sedition and terrorism.

In 2008, Mswati's government banned Masuku's party, which proposes
multiparty democracy and transparent government, and designated it a
terrorist group. Scores of PUDEMO members report having been arrested and
beaten by police. In May, police arrested a 37-year-old engineering student
named Sipho Jele for wearing a PUDEMO T-shirt. He was later found hanged in
a cell. The police claim he killed himself, but relatives and rights groups
say bruising and other evidence points to murder. Amnesty International
called Jele's death "deeply suspicious" and Swaziland a "benighted country
[where] a feudal monarchy presides." Masuku agrees that this dire
human-rights record, plus Swaziland's poverty, its epidemic, its corruption
and its paltry economic growth, are all the doing of one man. "To heal a
disease, you have to look at the cause," he says. "And the cause is an
undemocratic system that perpetuates bad governance, rampant corruption and
an uncontrollably extravagant monarchy." (The palace didn't respond to my
requests for an interview with the King.)

This year, Mswati's arrogance has reached spectacular new heights. In 2009,
South Africa slipped briefly into recession and cut revenue to a southern
African customs union on which Swaziland relied for two-thirds of its
budget. Swaziland's budget deficit skyrocketed to 13% of GDP. Facing
widespread calls to cut annual spending on the royal family, Mswati instead
raised it by 24%, to $31 million — $8 million more than Swaziland's total
annual HIV/AIDS funding. When 12,000 civil servants marched to protest wage
freezes in March, Mswati chided them for their irresponsibility. "We need
to work even harder and sacrifice even more today for a better tomorrow,"
he said.

The following month, when hundreds more demonstrators gathered in the city
of Manzini to demand reform, Mswati sent in the heavies. Police fired water
cannons, rubber bullets and tear gas at the protesters and beat and
arrested dozens. Mswati's Prime Minister, Barnabas Dlamini, suggested to a *
Times* of Swaziland reporter that the demonstrators' feet be beaten with
spikes.

The International Monetary Fund has twice refused to make an emergency loan
because Mswati failed to make spending cuts, particularly in the
bureaucracy. The King seemed to have won a temporary reprieve in August
when South Africa, fearful of another Zimbabwe- style economic collapse on
its borders, agreed to a $350 million emergency loan. But Pretoria has not
yet paid: the government there faces accusations from its trade-union
allies that since the loan only vaguely commits Mswati to reform, South
Africa would effectively be propping up a dictator.(See pictures of South
Africa.) <http://www.time.com/time/photogallery/0,29307,1889833,00.html>

Even if the South African money is made available, says Joannes Mongardini,
the IMF's Swaziland mission leader, "the government will continue to face
severe liquidity constraints." And that's not all that is confronting
Mswati. The opposition is determined to keep up protests, with an
increasingly antimonarchy flavor. After plunging Swaziland into a debt
crisis, Mswati may now be facing another recent global phenomenon, one that
has proved particularly perilous to North African tyrants: revolution.


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