Communist Party ofSwaziland: Mswati’s HIV-Aids idiocy highlights our bitter 
struggle Swaziland’s absolute ruler, [i]MswatiIII, adds a grotesque twist to 
Marx’s observation that history repeatsitself, first as tragedy and then as 
farce.  Mswati and his regime manage to combine both qualities in equalmeasure: 
the tragedy of autocracy imposing poverty, disease and degradation onan 
oppressed population; the farce of the bumbling Mswati’s vanityconstruction 
projects, deluded self-image of omnipotent divinity, graspinggreed. The latest 
demonstration of this tragi-comic narrative isMswati’s declaration that he 
would “personally” eradicateHIV-Aids from Swaziland by 2022, a deadline he has 
already set for the countryattaining ‘first world’ status. Swaziland is now 
classified as a lower-middle income country, ranking141 out of 187 on the Human 
Development Index. The richest 20% of the population own and control 
practically all thecountry’s wealth.  The IMF – hardly a progressive social 
policy advocate – haslong observed in its country reports on Swaziland that 
spending on the royalfamily drains the economy, and that there is a need for 
more social spending(health, education) to nurture the economy.  There are for 
now no high-income economies in Africa, by World Bankmeasurements, so Mswati’s 
bombastic first-world status pledge looks bothridiculous and cruel. Farce and 
tragedy. Swaziland’s economic prospects are hampered by many things, butthe 
main one in terms of our people’s capacity is the HIV-Aids pandemic.Some 26.5%, 
or about 290,000 of our population have the virus, the highest ratein the 
world. But the 26.5% figure is an average for a total 1.1 million of our 
people.The prevalence of HIV-Aids among 19-24 year-olds in Swaziland was 40.8% 
in2010.More than 80% of people with HIV-Aids also have TB. Anti-retroviral 
treatment is reckoned to reach 85% with advanced HIVinfection. But many 
thousands do not receive treatment at all.  And this 85% figure is too neat. It 
is the regime’s figure forhow well it is doing. It doesn’t take into account 
zigzags in theavailability of ARVs, the numbers of people who fatefully drop 
out of thetreatment programme, the effects of inadequate counselling, the 
numbers who goto South Africa to receive treatment. Mswati’s nonchalant pledge 
on eliminating HIV-Aids in our countryover the next seven years is meaningless. 
 Last year, 2014, the regime pledged to cutmother-to-child-transmission, or 
PMTCT, of HIV by 95% by this year, 2015. Thiswould have required a great 
acceleration of earlier ostensible PMTCTcommitments and stands as an empty 
Mswati promise. The same goes for his 2022 HIV-Aids eradication deadline. 
Andhere’s why. One reason – the farce – is that Mswati either thinks thatnone 
of our people who have HIV-Aids will be alive after seven years, or thatthere 
will be a universal cure by that date and so everyone will be fine.Assuming 
that treatment is properly available, the hundred thousand or sopeople on ARV 
treatment will, we hope, still be with us after 2022, and theywill still need 
treatment and care. Mswati’s cut-off date is asnonsensical as is his rich 
country-status fantasy. The real reason – the tragedy – runs deeper. We often 
think that channelling all of Mswati’s ill-gotten cashto public needs would 
solve our problems as a potential ‘developmentalstate’. But at most, this would 
restore some balance and fairness to thestate budgeting and fiscal process. And 
it would unleash a steady flow of muchneeded moola into the treasury. But it 
would not solve all our problems, notleast in combating HIV-Aids. If all the 
money that was wasted on the monarchy, all the funds wronglydiverted to the 
bank accounts of the king, his wives and children, and hisextended family; if 
all the revenue from land and resources held by the kind“in trust for the Swazi 
nation”; if all the Swazi money held by theking in foreign tax havens and 
secret bank accounts – if all that was putwhere it belongs, into the Swazi 
economy under a system of democraticrepresentation and accountability. Then at 
most we might be in a betterposition to take charge of most of the spending on 
anti-retroviral treatment(ART), which currently is some 60% dependent on 
foreign donors.  We might also be able to cut costs of treatment by opting 
forWHO-recommended first and second line combinations. Currently, 
treatmentexpenditure in Swaziland works out at about $509 per person per year 
for theroughly 110 000 people on ARVs. It should be much less, as little as 
$172 perperson per year for first-line single pill combinations, and about $303 
forsecond-line treatment. According to Forbes, in 2008 Mswati was worth $200 
million (now E2.3billion). ARV treatment costs from national and international 
sources runs toabout E6.2 billion ($56 million) a year.  Mswati’s savings would 
not cover this for long. But if we were tochannel the E550 million ($50 
million) Mswati counts as personal income,according to Forbes, and if we were 
to ensure that Swaziland followed the WHOrecommendations on affordable 
treatment regimes, we would be able to severelydent treatment expenditure.  And 
thisonly concerns pharmaceutical treatment costs. It doesn’t touch on thecosts 
of the rest of the work to tackle HIV-Aids, all of which needsoverhauling and 
improving. The point is that our HIV-Aids pandemic is a massive battle. It is 
onethat demands vast resources and strategizing that will take years to enact 
sowe can gradually reduce the incidence and burden of the disease. As the CPS, 
wedo not trust the Mswati regime’s pledges of solving this or that facet ofthe 
crisis by any particular date.  We have seen the regime’s budgetary deceptions 
all too often inthe past to trust that the information it provided – especially 
thestatistics and projections – for the Swaziland Global Response 
ProgressReporting 2014 (UNAIDS).  The regime plays fast and loose with revenue 
and donated cash. We haveevery reason to doubt its rosy descriptions of what it 
is achieving in combatingHIV-Aids. Our emergence from the pandemic requires 
emergency action geared towholly scientific and candid approaches, and much of 
this is impossible as longas the autocracy remains in power.  Mswati’s asinine 
remarks on ending the pandemic in seven yearscomically unmask a hard reality 
that we are still very far from beating.   END By CPS  
[i] Africa’s last absolute monarch is more wellknown for his relationships with 
women (he had at least 15 wives at the lastcount), and for his flamboyant 
parties. He turned 46 recently, with hisbirthday coinciding with the Christian 
Easter holidays. Not willing to sharethe spotlight with Jesus, King Mswati 
postponed his birthday celebrations for five days so that a proper national 
holiday could be held in his honor.American R&B artist Erykah Badu performed 
for the King during the expensivecelebrations, irking thousands of human 
rightactivists. Reason: The poverty rate is escalating –more than 65% of the 
Swaziland’s population gets by on less than $1.25 aday, while unemployment 
rates are as high as 40% — but the King remainsunaffected. The King is one of 
Africa’s wealthiest royals. His personalnet worth is at least $50 million, 
based on the annual $50 million salary thathe is paid out of government 
coffers. He also controls TibiyoTakaNgwane,an investment holding company that 
owns stakes in sugar refining giants UbomboSugar and Royal Swaziland Sugar 
Corporation (RSSC), dairy company Parmalat Swaziland,spirits manufacturer 
Swaziland Beverages and hotel chain Swazi Spa Holdings.The company has assets 
worth over $140 million, but he holds it in trust forthe people of Swaziland. 
    

   

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