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The Guardian
August 2, 2005

THE TREATY WRECKERS

In just a few months, Bush and Blair have destroyed
global restraint on the development of nuclear weapons

George Monbiot

Saturday is the 60th anniversary of the bombing of
Hiroshima. The nuclear powers are commemorating it in
their own special way: by seeking to ensure that the
experiment is repeated.

As Robin Cook showed in his column last week, the
British government appears to have decided to replace
our Trident nuclear weapons, without consulting
parliament or informing the public. It could be worse
than he thinks. He pointed out that the atomic weapons
establishment at Aldermaston has been re-equipped to
build a new generation of bombs. But when this news
was first leaked in 2002 a spokesman for the plant
insisted the equipment was being installed not to
replace Trident but to build either mini-nukes or
warheads that could be used on cruise missiles.

Article continues
If this is true it means the government is replacing
Trident and developing a new category of
boil-in-the-bag weapons. As if to ensure we got the
point, Geoff Hoon, then the defence secretary,
announced before the leak that Britain would be
prepared to use small nukes in a pre-emptive strike
against a non-nuclear state. This put us in the
hallowed company of North Korea.

The Times, helpful as ever, explains why Trident
should be replaced. "A decision to leave the club of
nuclear powers," it says, "would diminish Britain's
international standing and influence." This is true,
and it accounts for why almost everyone wants the
bomb. Two weeks ago, on concluding their new nuclear
treaty, George Bush and the Indian prime minister
Manmohan Singh announced that "international
institutions must fully reflect changes in the global
scenario that have taken place since 1945. The
president reiterated his view that international
institutions are going to have to adapt to reflect
India's central and growing role." This translates as
follows: "Now that India has the bomb it should join
the UN security council."

It is because nuclear weapons confer power and status
on the states that possess them that the
non-proliferation treaty, of which the UK was a
founding signatory, determines two things: that the
non-nuclear powers should not acquire nuclear weapons,
and that the nuclear powers should "pursue
negotiations in good faith on ... general and complete
disarmament". Blair has unilaterally decided to rip it
up.

But in helping to wreck the treaty we are only keeping
up with our friends across the water. In May the US
government launched a systematic assault on the
agreement. The summit in New York was supposed to
strengthen it, but the US, led by John Bolton - the
undersecretary for arms control (someone had a good
laugh over that one) - refused even to allow the other
nations to draw up an agenda for discussion. The talks
collapsed, and the treaty may now be all but dead.
Needless to say, Bolton has been promoted: to the post
of US ambassador to the UN. Yesterday Bush pushed his
nomination through by means of a "recess appointment":
an undemocratic power that allows him to override
Congress when its members are on holiday.

Bush wanted to destroy the treaty because it couldn't
be reconciled with his new plans. Last month the
Senate approved an initial $4m for research into a
"robust nuclear earth penetrator" (RNEP). This is a
bomb with a yield about 10 times that of the Hiroshima
device, designed to blow up underground bunkers that
might contain weapons of mass destruction. (You've
spotted the contradiction.) Congress rejected funding
for it in November, but Bush twisted enough arms this
year to get it restarted. You see what a wonderful
world he inhabits when you discover that the RNEP idea
was conceived in 1991 as a means of dealing with
Saddam Hussein's biological and chemical weapons.
Saddam is pacing his cell, but the Bushites, like the
Japanese soldiers lost in Malaysia, march on. To
pursue his war against the phantom of the phantom of
Saddam's weapons of mass destruction, Bush has
destroyed the treaty that prevents the use of real
ones.

It gets worse. Last year Congress allocated funding
for something called the "reliable replacement
warhead". The government's story is that the existing
warheads might be deteriorating. When they show signs
of ageing they can be dismantled and rebuilt to a
"safer and more reliable" design. It's a pretty feeble
excuse for building a new generation of nukes, but it
worked. The development of the new bombs probably
means the US will also breach the comprehensive test
ban treaty - so we can kiss goodbye to another means
of preventing proliferation.

But the biggest disaster was Bush's meeting with
Manmohan Singh a fortnight ago. India is one of three
states that possess nuclear weapons and refuse to sign
the non-proliferation treaty (NPT). The treaty says
India should be denied access to civil nuclear
materials. But on July 18 Bush announced that "as a
responsible state with advanced nuclear technology,
India should acquire the same benefits and advantages
as other such states". He would "work to achieve full
civil nuclear energy cooperation with India" and "seek
agreement from Congress to adjust US laws and
policies". Four months before the meeting the US
lifted its south Asian arms embargo, selling Pakistan
a fleet of F-16 aircraft, capable of a carrying a wide
range of missiles, and India an anti-missile system.
As a business plan, it's hard to fault.

Here then is how it works. If you acquire the bomb and
threaten to use it you will qualify for American
exceptionalism by proxy. Could there be a greater
incentive for proliferation?

The implications have not been lost on other states.
"India is looking after its own national interests," a
spokesman for the Iranian government complained on
Wednesday. "We cannot criticise them for this. But
what the Americans are doing is a double standard. On
the one hand they are depriving an NPT member from
having peaceful technology, but at the same time they
are cooperating with India, which is not a member of
the NPT." North Korea (and this is the only good news
around at the moment) is currently in its second week
of talks with the US. While the Bush administration is
doing the right thing by engaging with Pyongyang, the
lesson is pretty clear. You could sketch it out as a
Venn diagram. If you have oil and aren't developing a
bomb (Iraq) you get invaded. If you have oil and are
developing a bomb (Iran) you get threatened with
invasion, but it probably won't happen. If you don't
have oil, but have the bomb, the US representative
will fly to your country and open negotiations.

The world of George Bush's imagination comes into
being by government decree. As a result of his
tail-chasing paranoia, assisted by Tony Blair's
cowardice and Manmohan Singh's opportunism, the global
restraint on the development of nuclear weapons has,
in effect, been destroyed in a few months. The world
could now be more vulnerable to the consequences of
proliferation than it has been for 35 years. Thanks to
Bush and Blair, we might not go out with a whimper
after all.
_________________________________

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SOUTH ASIANS AGAINST NUKES (SAAN):
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