South Asia Citizens Wire | 13 October, 2004 via: www.sacw.net
[1] Taslima Nasrin gets the 2004 Unesco-Madanjeet Singh Prize
[2] Can Pakistan Work? A Country In Search of Itself (Pervez Hoodbhoy)
+ Pakistan's education system its greatest threat: Hoodbhoy
[3] Pakistan a victim of its own culture of militancy: analysts
[4] India: Muslims and Catholics in Gujarat [Part 1 and 2] (Prof. J. S. Bandukwala)
[5] India: Fight on, without faith or friends (Basant Rawat)
[6] India: Of figures and communal propagandists (J. Sri Raman)
[7] India: Renaissance had its limitations: Panikkar
[8] Publication announcement: 'Savarkar: Myths and Facts by Shamsul Islam'
[9] Upcoming event :
An Evening with Pervez Hoodbhoy + screening of his "Crossing The Lines: Kashmir, Pakistan, India" (Oxford, Oct 14, 2004)
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[1]
Press Release No.2004-92
TASLIMA NASRIN, WINNER OF THE 2004 UNESCO-MADANJEET SINGH PRIZE FOR THE PROMOTION OF TOLERANCE AND NON-VIOLENCE
Paris, October 12 - Bangladeshi writer and journalist Taslima Nasrin is the laureate of the 2004 UNESCO-Madanjeet Singh Prize for the Promotion of Tolerance and Non-Violence. The Prize was attributed on the recommendation of an international jury, presided by Andr�s Pastrana Arango, former President of Colombia, and endorsed by UNESCO Director-General Ko�chiro Matsuura. It will be awarded in a ceremony at UNESCO Headquarters on November 16.
A qualified physician, Ms Nasrin began receiving public recognition in the late 1980s because of her writings against the oppression of women in some Asian countries. Facing death threats from [Muslim] fundamentalists, she continues fighting for a new civil code, based on gender equality, and for secular education.
Ms Nasrin has published more than 20 books in Bengali, some of which have been translated into more than 20 languages. She has won several distinctions, including the Indian literary award Ananda Puroshkar; the European Parliaments� Sakharov Prize for Freedom of Thought and the Kurt Tucholsky Award from Swedish PEN.
The $100,000 UNESCO-Madanjeet Singh Prize was created in 1995 thanks to the generosity of the Indian writer and diplomat Madanjeet Singh, who is also a UNESCO Goodwill Ambassador. Dedicated to advancing the spirit of tolerance in the arts, education, culture, science and communication, the Prize is awarded every two years to an individual or an institution for exceptional contributions in the field of tolerance promotion. Previous laureates are: Rwanda's Pro-femmes Twese Hamwe association of 32 women�s groups (1996), Joint Action Committee for Peoples� Rights (Pakistan) and the Indian anti-nuclear campaigner Narayan Desai (1998), Egyptian Pope Chenouda III, head of Egypt's Coptic Orthodox Church (2000), and to Nobel Peace Prize laureates Aung San Suu Kyi of Myanmar (2002).
On March 22 this year, Mr Singh and Mr Matsuura signed an agreement for the creation of the Madanjeet Singh Institute for Afghanistan's Cultural Heritage for which Mr Singh granted US$ 1 million. The training centre for Afghan cultural conservation specialists, presently under construction in Kabul, will be operated with UNESCO.
The author of a great many books, Mr Singh today presented his latest work The Sasia Story to the Director-General. The book presents its authors career and his links with the Organization, which date back to the 1950s. It will be translated into more than 20 Southeast Asian languages.
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[2]
CAN PAKISTAN WORK? A COUNTRY IN SEARCH OF ITSELF by Pervez Hoodbhoy
(A review essay and commentary on a book by Stephen P. Cohen, 'The Idea of Pakistan', the Brookings Institution, Washington, DC. Published in the October 2004 issue of Foreign Affairs)
Full Text is available at: http://www.sacw.net/free/ReviewCohen.pdf
o o o o
Daily Times - October 13, 2004
Pakistan's education system its greatest threat: Hoodbhoy
WASHINGTON: The greatest threat to Pakistan's future comes from its present abysmal education system, according to noted physicist and campaigner Dr Pervez Hoodbhoy.
In a review article on Stephen Cohen's new book, The Idea of Pakistan, in the forthcoming issue of Foreign Affairs Quarterly, Dr Hoodbhoy writes, "Schools - and not just madrassas - are churning out fiery zealots, fuelled with a passion for jihad and martyrdom. The obstacles to reform are great. For example, recent street rampages by Islamists forced Musharraf 's former minister of education, Zubaida Jalal, to declare herself a fundamentalist and denounce as unacceptable school textbooks that do not include Quranic verses on jihad."
Dr Hoodbhoy argues that political reform must begin with the reversal of the legacy of Ziaul Haq, who set out to purge Pakistan of "the scourge of politics." He and his successors succeeded in depriving the Pakistani people of their means of self-expression and collective action, and popular politics at the national level has disappeared along with Pakistan's once-thriving trade unions, student groups, and peasant collectives. "Thirty years ago," he writes, "university students noisily argued over ideological positions and competed for votes in student elections. Today, there is no voting and no legitimate student government-just Islamic sectarian movements and groups defined by ethnicity pitted against one another. With Islamism as the only outlet for political involvement, these students are prime candidates for membership in extremist organisations. Unless political organisations are once again allowed to organise locally and nationally and intelligence agencies stop harassing critics of state policies, this 'depoliticisation' will push Pakistan further down the path toward instability."
He notes that the United States, along with the United Kingdom and the European Union, has recently poured hundreds of millions of dollars into the Pakistani educational system-but with" minimal effect." USAID officials in Pakistan have shown little inclination or desire to engage with the government on the issue of eliminating jihad and militarism from schoolbooks. Indeed, rather than calling Musharraf 's government on the continuing espousal of jihadist doctrine, the White House, out of either ignorance or compromise, even praised former Education Minister Jalal for her "reforms." Jalal's successor, General Javed Ashraf Qazi, is a former intelligence chief known for his "ruthless tactics." He believes that Gen Musharraf 's educational curriculum will go unchanged. He writes, "This difficulty, of course, reflects the underlying problems of Pakistan's government. Aware of its thin legitimacy and fearful of taking on powerful religious forces, no reigning government has made a serious attempt at curricular or educational reform, quietly allowing future minds to be molded by fanatics. But without such critical reforms, the long-term prospects for Pakistan are anything but comforting."
Dr Hoodbhoy while wondering what Pakistan's "warrior class" was never tamed by civilian rule, points back to the founding of the Pakistani state. He maintains with Eqbal Ahmed that the ideological confusion that grips Pakistan dates back to its very creation. Since that confusion has not been resolved, the result has been civilian helplessness, and an environment eminently hospitable to coups. "Indeed, no elected government has completed its term in Pakistan's 57-year history. Pakistani generals express contempt for the civilian order and steadfastly hold that 'what is good for the army is good for Pakistan,' and Pakistani society is thoroughly militarised," he adds.
While praising Choen's book for its precision and insights, he quotes the South Asia expert as pointing out that Pakistan's "nuclear dreams" probably began 40 years ago when-under the aegis of the Central Treaty Organisation- the US Army initiated large-scale training of Iranian, Turkish, and Pakistani officers in armour, artillery, and other technical services. Hundreds of Pakistani officers attended U.S. schools between 1955 and 1958. 'There was an important American contribution in the form of periodic visits by American nuclear experts to the Staff College in Quetta,' he writes, citing from Cohen's book. During a visit to the Staff College, Cohen noted that the school's official history refers to "a 1957 visit by a US nuclear warfare team that 'proved most useful and resulted in modification and revision of the old syllabus' to bring it into line with the 'fresh data' given by the team.' In Cohen's opinion, "present-day Pakistani nuclear planning and doctrine is descended directly from this early exposure to Western nuclear strategising; it very much resembles American thinking of the mid-1950s with its acceptance of first-use and the tactical use of nuclear weapons against onrushing conventional forces."
Dr Hoodbhoy believes that a number of key reforms - some touched on, though not explored, by Cohen - are necessary. First, Gen Musharraf must be forced to take seriously his call for "enlightened moderation." He has, to the relief of liberal Pakistanis, sought accommodation with India, softened his stance on Kashmir, cracked down on Islamist terrorism at home, and begun to negotiate the revision of blasphemy and anti-woman laws. The Pakistani nuclear expert and activist quotes Daily Times editor Najam Sethi as saying that "the momentum of change is too slow and awkward and unsure to constitute a critical and irreversible mass." He highlights Sethi's emphasis on "two specially critical areas in which Musharraf must do more: packing up the jihadists, which means accepting that they are not the solution to the Kashmir issue, and reducing the influence of Islamist parties by facilitating the rise of moderate mainstream parties in free elections. This latter goal points to the need for broad political reform in Pakistan to build responsible civilian leadership while keeping the military at bay.
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[3]
Khaleej Times - 12 October 2004
PAKISTAN A VICTIM OF ITS OWN CULTURE OF MILITANCY: ANALYSTS (AFP)
KARACHI - With nearly 80 deaths in 10 days from violence between Sunni and Shiite Muslims, Pakistan is once again caught in a spiral of bloodshed borne of its own culture of Islamic militancy, analysts say.
"When terrorism becomes a culture in society, it's alarming and it's always more difficult to get rid of it," Professor Fateh Mohammad, head of criminology at Karachi University, told AFP.
"Both the victims of terrorism and the terrorists are treated as 'martyrs'," he said, using the Muslim terminology, which glorifies fighters or soldiers who die in action.
From the bazaars of port megalopolis Karachi, where violence in all forms is endemic, to northwest frontier city Peshawar and southwest city Quetta, videos and audios are sold carrying the messages of "shahid" or martyrs and glorifying "jihad" or holy war.
"One can see all around the shops movies and videos which not only promote "jihadi culture,' but are a source of inspiration for potential youth, including women," said Gul Rehman, owner of a shop at Rainbow Centre, the hub of audio and videos in Karachi.
Often children buy Osama bin Laden T-shirts, or collect pictures of him, while parents name their children after him, he added.
The finger is often pointed at Pakistan's 12,000 madrassas or Koranic schools.
Even if the majority offers a free basic education to the poor, in the absence of a cheap and efficient state education system, many are denounced as "schools of terrorism."
"Sectarian violence is the result of years of brainwashing of thousands and thousands of young minds educated in madrassas," said the director of the independent Human Rights Commission, I.A. Rehman.
"Violence is the only job they are taught to do correctly," he added.
"Madrassas are the principal source of religious intolerance and militant violence," Ghulam Kabria, author and human rights activist, told AFP.
The former head of Karachi's Police Citizens' Liaison Committee, Jamil Yusuf, said all "detainees who are condemned to death should be executed before they emerge from prison as heroes," as has been the case with numerous militants in recent years.
Even at the highest level, condemnations of militant attacks are timid, said a Western diplomat on condition of anonymity.
"Why has (President Pervez) Musharraf not appeared on television to denounce the murder of Muslims by Muslims?" he asked.
Since October 1, 77 people have been killed in Pakistan in four separate sectarian violence.
A suicide bomber in a mosque in eastern city Sialkot killed thirty Shiites on October 1, and a week later 41 followers of an outlawed Sunni organisation were killed in a car-bomb attack in central city Multan.
On Sunday, a suicide bomber was intercepted at the entrance to a Shiite mosque in eastern city Lahore, but he detonated the explosives he was wearing, killing two guards, a child and himself.
On Saturday in Karachi, two Sunni clerics from the Binori Town madrassa, one of the most important in the southern port city, were shot dead by unknown gunmen.
Since the beginning of the year, at least 171 people have been killed during sectarian violence between fanatics of the Sunni majority, who account for around 80 percent of Pakistan's Muslims, and Shiites.
The bloody rivalry has claimed 4,000 lives since the 1980s.
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[4]
MUSLIMS AND CATHOLICS IN GUJARAT [Part 1 and 2] by Prof. J. S. Bandukwala http://communalism.blogspot.com/2004/10/muslims-and-catholics-in-gujarat-part.html http://communalism.blogspot.com/2004/10/muslims-and-catholics-in-gujarat-part_12.html
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[5]
The Telegraph - October 08, 2004
FIGHT ON, WITHOUT FAITH OR FRIENDS
Basant Rawat
Ahmedabad, Oct. 7: Zehra Cyclewala is not a born rebel. She became one after a fatwa (religious decree) was issued nearly 20 years ago to "break her will''. But the 47-year-old is made of sterner stuff and has continued to defy the fatwa all these years.
Forced to fight for her survival, Zehra has emerged as a flagbearer of reform within her orthodox Dawoodi Bohra community that ostracised her for challenging the supreme religious leader, Syedna Muhammed Burhanuddin.
The Mumbai-based Syedna who belongs to Surat virtually regulates the lives of every member of the community.
Zehra's struggle began in 1985 when the supreme leader issued a fatwa ordering his followers to give up their jobs and withdraw money from banks that charge interest on loans, considered a "sin'' and "un-Islamic''.
Although her fellow Bohras resigned from the managing committee of the Saif Cooperative Credit Society where she worked as a manager, Zehra refused, saying she had no other means of livelihood.
The refusal marked her out as the first Bohra woman to defy Syedna's decree in Surat and probably the first anywhere to do so.
Zehra was ready to quit her job if the leader helped her find a new one. But when she asked the Bohra elders to find her a job, she was told to have faith in God. "But that would not have helped me as I had to look after my ailing mother,'' she said.
Some community members began to harass her, getting her demoted from manager to junior clerk. But Zehra did not give up and fought a legal battle to get reinstated. When a court ruled in her favour, indignant community members boycotted her. Even her brothers and sisters deserted her when she could have dearly done with their support.
Zehra's mother, who always stood by her and shared her woes, died in 1991. Her body was taken to the burial ground, but some Bohras objected, not willing to allow last rites to be performed for her as she had supported Zehra.
There was no end to the manager's harassment. She was dubbed a "non-believer'' and some of Syedna's rabid followers would spit on her. Zehra would be chased and hounded; she was greeted with the choicest abuses when she stepped out and no Bohra would speak to her.
Fearing for life and bombarded with threats, Zehra sought and received police protection in 1995.
With a tinge of sadness she said: "Today, I have no friends in my (Bohra) community. I do have Hindu and Muslim friends, but no one from my community.''
But Zehra has no regrets. "Yes, after my mother's death, I am leading a lonely life. But I am happy that I have inspired many women who have been victims of injustice in my community. Whenever they call me up, they get instant justice as the community does not want another Zehra,'' she said.
Zehra was recently in London to attend the reformist Dawoodi Bohra conference where her biography One Against All was released by British MP Tim Boswells.
The 146-page book chronicles her story - that of a B.Com graduate who was forced to take up cudgels against society. Her rousing story is still unfolding.
As Zehra took on Syedna, reformist Bohras settled abroad took note of her struggle. She has been invited to many countries to tell her story of how a single woman could resist the might of the community and battle against their tyranny.
In all this, Zehra, who chose to remain unmarried as she realised she was too liberal and educated for the men of her community, has one question for Syedna who has rented out large property in his hometown Surat. The fearless manager asked: "If the income from rent is okay, how is that the interest (from income) is a sin?"
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[6]
The New Nation - Oct 12, 2004
OF FIGURES AND COMMUNAL PROPAGANDISTS By J. Sri Raman
We have heard of chemical warfare, the kind witnessed in the U.S. defoliation campaign in Vietnam. Of biological warfare, which the U.S. Government waged by donating smallpox-infected blankets to Native Americans long before the advent of anthrax terrorism. Not, however, of population warfare.
It has been left to the communalists of India to discover this new dimension to unconventional warfare. And they see in it the cunning, conspiratorial strategy of their main enemy - the country's religious minorities. It has taken only a single mis-statement of a census official to revive this pet theme of "Hindu nationalists" (a misleading, self-conferred title).
The Indian media have been full of the cries of alarm raised by the far Right over the alleged findings of the first ever religion-based census report by the official Census Commission of India. The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), licking its wounds after losing the general election four months ago, has pounced upon the findings to launch a high-decibel campaign in defense of an allegedly endangered majority.
On September 6, Census Commissioner J. K. Banthia released in New Delhi the Census 2001 report, along with a rank misinterpretation of the findings. Almost instantly, all hell broke loose. The allegation that the official was striking a blow for the BJP may appear unfair. He could not have done better, however, if he were.
The report put the growth rate of Muslims at 36 per cent in 1991-2001, a 1.5 per cent rise over the previous 1991 census.
The data indicated the Muslims were multiplying faster than in any decade since the country's independence in 1947 and more than any other community. Correspondingly, said Banthia, the growth rate for Hindus had come down by five per cent to 20.5 per cent. The growth rate for Christians had, according to the report, gone up by over one per cent to 22.6 per cent.
Cold figures? You must have seen them inflame fascist passions. "This is a disturbing development", declared BJP president Venkaiah Naidu. "This imbalance is unhealthy for the unity and integrity of the country." The rest of what the far Right, in a mafia-like metaphor, calls 'parivar' ('family'), joined in. The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), the patriarch of the 'parivar', took a longer-term and larger view. "The Hindus will be reduced to less than of the subcontinent's population by 2050", said its spokesperson Ram Madhav, making it clear that the RSS was not happy with the Muslim growth rate in neighboring Pakistan and Bangladesh, either!
It was left, however, to the Vishwa Hindu Parshad (VHP), the most vicious member the 'parivar', to spell out the peril they all saw in the census findings. Chinubhai Patel, a VHP leader in Gujarat (where the 'parivar' carried out its famous anti-Muslim pogrom in 2002), warned in all seriousness: "The (Muslim) community is conspiring to convert Hindu 'rajya' (state) into a Muslim country''!
The BJP-'parivar' scare campaign against a Muslim "swamping" of the country is pre-dates by at least two decades. The minority is supposed to be advancing towards this objective by two methods.
The Muslims, in the first place, are accused of breeding faster than the Hindus by avoiding birth control under the influence of Islamic laws and leadership. The second method is what Naidu calls "demographic invasion" (which comes pretty close to "population warfare").
The Bangladeshi "infiltration" - never "illegal immigration" or anything else of politically innocent import - has intensified the threat of numbers that the "Hindu nation" faces, screams the entire BJP-led bloc.
The census figures even of the flawed set, which the campaigners do not care to quote, show up the ludicrousness of their logic. Of the total Indian population of 1.028 billion at the time of the census, the Hindus totaled 827 million and 80.5 of the population. The Muslims numbered 138 million, comprising 13.4 per cent of the population. The next in size were the Christians (24 million or 2.3 per cent). Census data since 1951, the year of the first Indian head-count, suggest that the Muslim population increases by about one per cent every decade.
Experts have pointed out that, at the same rate, it will take three centuries for India to become a Muslim-majority country! No grave emergency for the 'Hindu nation', surely, as a hysterical 'parivar' and hundreds of its websites made it appear on the morrow of the report's release.
The figures, in any case, have turned out to be fudged. The commission was confronted with the fact that the census 2001 included India's only Muslim-majority State of Jammu and Kashmir, excluded in the 1991 exercise, and the Northeastern State of Assam, excluded in 1981. After two days of mounting tensions, the commission came out with "adjusted" figures, which told a different story altogether.
They show that that the growth rate of the Hindu population has declined from 22.77 per cent over 1981-91 to 20.02 per cent over 1991-2001, and that of the Muslim population from 32.86 per cent to 29.33 per cent.
In other words, the decline in the population growth rate has been greater for the much-maligned Indian Muslims.
The clarification should have ended the controversy. But it could not have. The fascists trying to force their way back into political reckoning cannot do without the windfall issue. BJP spokesperson Arun Jaitley has objected to exclusion of the Assam figures in the process of "adjustment". He argues that the border State is the main recipient of Bangladeshi infiltrators, though the number of the immigrants here can make no serious difference to the demographic picture.
Loudmouth VHP leader Praveen Togadia has threatened to take the matter to the court.
Facts have not stopped propagandists campaigners. Figures are not going to stop them, either.
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[7]
The Hindu - Oct 13, 2004
RENAISSANCE HAD ITS LIMITATIONS: PANIKKAR
By Our Staff Reporter
THRISSUR, OCT. 12. The Renaissance in Kerala had a lot of limitations and did not develop into a mass movement, the vice-chancellor of the Sree Sankaracharya University, K. N. Panikkar, has said.
Inaugurating a seminar on `Kerala: reformation and modernism' organised by the History Department of the Kerala Varma College here on Tuesday to observe the 150th birth anniversary of Sree Narayana Guru, Dr. Panikkar said that Malayalis had romanticised the concept of Renaissance.
"We debate that all growth has been the result of the so-called Renaissance. This belief needs to be questioned. The middle class, the base of the Renaissance movement, had gravitated towards colonial ideals, and their stance on social issues was inadequate and ineffective. There was no influential political initiative till the Left movement gathered strength. I even wonder whether there was a Renaissance in Kerala,'' Dr. Panikkar said.
Delivering a lecture on `Kerala Renaissance - a feminist reading,' K. M. Sheeba, lecturer in History, Sree Sankaracharya University, said the reform movement had contributed to keeping women away from the public domain.
"The 19th-century Renaissance in Kerala had witnessed the growth of caste groups. These groups had actively discussed the concept of the modern woman. The discussions, however, did not question women's domestic role. The result: the modern woman was expected to wear current attire and be educated, but was forced to retain her traditional domestic role. In this sense, the reform movement had hardly helped women,'' Dr. Sheeba said.
The principal of the Kerala Varma College, R. Gopalakrishna Pillai, presided. The head of the History Department, T. A. Usha Kumari, K. Vinod Chandran, Sunil P. Ilayidam and Lalitha Nair, lecturers, spoke.
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[8]
From the Delhi weekly Indian Currents | 3 October 2004 A Book with a Difference
Savarkar: Myths and Facts by Shamsul Islam (With reproduction of Savarkar's original book Hindutva, pub. in 1923)
This book unveils mysteries, presents unknown documents from British archives, bringing light into the dark, shocking and deplorable episodes of the newest Hindutva icons.
Dr Shamsul Islam teaches political sience at Satyawati College, Delhi University. He is a well known authority on communal politics, religious fundamentalism, human rights, street theatre, Dalit and gender issues. He writes in leading publications of English, Hindi and Urdu.
Date of publication: 31 Oct. 04, Price: Rs. 200/-
Media House, 375A, Pocket 2,Mayur Vihar Phase1,Delhi - 91, E-mail: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
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[9] Upcoming Events:
"An Evening with Professor Pervez Hoodbhoy"
You are cordially invited to the viewing of
CROSSING THE LINES: KASHMIR, PAKISTAN, INDIA
A 45-MINUTE DOCUMENTARY Produced by Professor Pervez Hoodbhoy and Dr. Zia Mian
at Wolfson College (Buttery), Oxford,
at 7pm on Thursday, 14 October 2004.
Professor Hoodbhoy is a well-known academic and peace activist from Pakistan, where he has been teaching at the Quaid-i-Azam University, Islamabad, since 1973. With a doctorate in Nuclear Physics from MIT, he has authored several books and articles on subjects such as Islam, science, Indo-Pakistani relations, education, nulcearisation and peace. He heads the editorial board of Mashaal, an Urdu magazine devoted to women's rights and has been the recipient of several awards for his courageous work including the UNESCO's Kalinga Award. He has written extensively for international magazines and newspapers besides producing a television series on science education in Pakistan. His other documentary, "The Bell Tolls for Planet Earth" has already won him a global acclaim. "Crossing the Lines" is based on archives, live footage and elaborate illustrations, representing various Kashmiri, Indian and Pakistani views on the Kashmir dispute. Co-produced with Zia Mian (Princeton University) under the auspices of Eqbal Ahmad Foundation, the video has tried to offer an alternative thinking. He will introduce the documentary and after the viewing will be prepared to lead the discussion. You may read more about the film and Professor Hoodbhoy on:
http://www.ektaonline.org/events/hoodbhoy/index.htm
Ample free parking available around the college: Wolfson College, Linton Road, OX2 6UD. (Lodge Phone: 01865-274125: www.wolfson.ox.ac.uk).
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Buzz on the perils of fundamentalist politics, on matters of peace and democratisation in South Asia. SACW is an independent & non-profit citizens wire service run since 1998 by South Asia Citizens Web: www.sacw.net/
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