South Asia Citizens Wire | 19 Dec., 2004 via: www.sacw.net
[1] Bangladesh: The post-71 generation (Zafar Sobhan)
[2] India-Pakistan: Honour the past...secure the future - Siachen
[3] India: Combating Communal Violence (Ajay K. Mehra)
+ Anti-communal law: delay due to lack of clarity, confusion (Vinay Kumar)
[4] India: 'Conscience', Ideologies and Political Compulsions (Ram Puniyani)
[5] India: Press Release - First General Assembly of mines, minerals & People
[6] India - Announcements :
(i) Stree Samman Divas' [Day for Women's Dignity] (New Delhi, 22 December 2004)
(ii) Ecology & the Future Society Workshop (Nagpur, 15-16 January 2005)
(ii) 'Durable Disorder - Understanding the Politics of Northeast India' by Sanjib Baruah
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[1]
The Daily Star December 17, 2004
THE POST-71 GENERATION
Zafar Sobhan
December 16 always brings to my mind the experiences and perspectives of the 71 generation who were shaped by the liberation war. I define the 71 generation as those who were old enough to experience the turmoil of the 1960s and the 1970s, and especially 1971 and 1975 and their aftermath, first-hand. For better or for worse, it has been this generation that has guided the affairs of the country since liberation.
I have noticed that many of the pieces that writers of this generation produce every December 16 have a similar tone to them. The pieces are almost all ritualistic disquisitions on where we have come to as a nation since 1971, and there is an almost uniform sense of disappointment running through them.
The authors begin with an inspiring depiction of the heroics and sacrifices and glories of the liberation war and how they had such high hopes for the future of the country, but this quickly gives way to the disillusionment of the present, as they look around and realise that their hopes and dreams remain unfulfilled, and that the country has fallen far short of the promise of that day when everything seemed possible.
Reading these pieces every year, I am reminded that for those of the 71 generation, the last thirty-three years have been difficult ones, and that they do feel a profound sadness for their unfulfilled hopes and dreams, and that this is why they cannot help but look back on December 16 with sorrow as well as pride.
The differences between the 71 generation and the post-71 generation are never more apparent to me then when I read those pieces. I am reminded of the concluding lines to King Lear:
The weight of this sad time we must obey; Speak what we feel, not what we ought to say. The oldest hath borne most: we that are young Shall never see so much, nor live so long.
I have noticed that writing from the perspective of what I would call the post-71 generation, my outlook and understanding differs a little from that of those who experienced first-hand the blood-soaked birth of Bangladesh and its tumultuous aftermath, and this makes me wonder about further implications of the differences between the generations.
I think for the 71 generation, December 16 has become a time to look back at the troubled history of our country and count our losses and missed opportunities.
This is, of course, understandable. The Bangladesh we live in today is not the Bangladesh anyone hoped for.
I can still remember glancing through a letter that my father's close friend Prof. Mosharraf Hossain gave me to take to my father when he was recovering from heart surgery some years ago and being struck by the poignancy of his words.
Even today, sometimes his words come back to me as I think of the 71 generation and all that they have seen and experienced: "Remember how we used to dream of raising a brave new world in this hapless land of ours?"
Even those who have done well personally in the years since independence--and there is no shortage of success stories--must be saddened by the state of the country as a whole.
So, I do understand the mixed emotions that the 71 generation feels on this day.
But I think that it is a little different for the post-71 generation.
I think as a generation we don't have that sense of crushing disillusionment. Things might not be all that we would want them to be, but frankly I can't really remember a time when things were all that much better than they are now -- and I can certainly remember times when things were worse.
Don't get me wrong.
There is much to bemoan about the state of the nation and those who read my column will know that bemoan them I regularly do.
In many ways, things are looking as grim for us today as they have been for a long time. The democratic consensus seems to be breaking down and we have reached a new low in terms of corruption and politicisation.
This year we have had floods and terrorist attacks and mass imprisonments and rigged polls to contend with, and the politics of the country appears to be heading in the direction of confrontation as we enter the new year.
But to my mind there is one reason to be hopeful -- and that is that a generational shift is slowly taking place from the 71 generation to the post-71 generation in the corridors of power and at the commanding heights of the economy.
It's the most ironic of paradoxes. The very generation that brought us our greatest moment and that we will always look to with pride is the same generation that has been unable to vanquish its own demons and establish a stable and sustainable polity in post-independence Bangladesh.
The sixties and seventies -- which were the crucible in which their identities were forged -- were rough and brutal times in this country.
As bad as things might be now, and for all the stories we have been told on long winter nights, the post-71 generation really can't begin to comprehend how things were in those blood-soaked and terror-filled days.
The differences we see today among the warring factions in the nation stem from those days -- and that's why they are so intractable. That's why among the 71 generation there can be no compromise. There can never be forgiveness and reconciliation. There has been too much blood shed and too much hardship suffered.
The story of the 71 generation is a story of broken dreams and betrayals.
The post-71 generation lives in more prosaic times. We are more pragmatic and less emotional. More realistic and less ideological.
Our feuds are not blood feuds, and our history is not one of ancient enmity and bitterness.
Our differences are not matters of life and death. We are not committed to forever re-fighting the same old battles over and over again.
No doubt this is something of an over-simplification. I have not gone into the fundamental reasons for the differences that split the Bangladeshi polity and the rights and the wrongs of the matter. That is a subject for another day.
I am merely pointing out that, due to the long bloody history behind the animosities between the warring factions, the 71 generation has never been able to resolve its differences, but that the post-71 generation might be able to.
To be sure, there is the other side of the coin when it comes to the post-71 generation.
Not having experienced the struggle for independence first-hand, we do not have that same sense of ownership and patriotism with respect to the country that the 71 generation does.
The flip-side of our pragmatism and realism is that idealism and a sense of social responsibility are in short supply. As a generation we are irredeemably materialistic and self-seeking. This is the tenor of the times in which we live -- and it is not a change for the better.
Many would look at the new generation of politicians and the growing nexus between crime and affairs of state, and scoff at the notion that redemption can possibly lie in the hands of a generation such as this.
Many would argue that, unmoored from the crucial formative experience of the liberation struggle that inspired a generation to devote their lives to building up the nation, the country will head into even greater turmoil in the years ahead, and that the passing of the torch from the hands of the 71 generation signals the beginning of the end.
They might not be wrong either. It would be another over-simplification to suggest that power passing to the post-71 generation will necessarily usher in an era of civility and cooperation. But what I am suggesting is that with the historical differences less prominent and the historical inequities less raw a compromise will at least be thinkable.
I retain the hope that the enduring legacy of the generational shift that is taking place in Bangladesh is that the ghosts of 1971 and its aftermath can finally be laid to rest, and that we can as a nation finally move out of the twilight and into the bright sunshine of a new day.
Zafar Sobhan is an Assistant Editor of The Daily Star.
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[2]
From: "Shivani Shah" <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> Subject: Siachen International Peace Park Initiative - An Update Date: Fri, 17 Dec 2004 15:54:30 +0530
HONOUR THE PAST...SECURE THE FUTURE - SIACHEN
Twenty years is a long time for a mindless war. the loss of lives. the complete devastation of an ecologically rich region.and in this seemingly 'deadlock' situation, there still seems to be some hope. Sixteen participants came together at the Bombay Natural History Society to discuss and take forward the Siachen Peace Park Initiative. Last year Sanctuary Magazine had proposed a campaign to motivate people to sign up the Siachen Peace Park Initative petition, which has received a tremendous response.
Participants at this conference were Dr. Saleem H. Ali, Bittu Sahgal, Debi Goenka, Dr. Asad Rahmani, Rishad Naoroji, Rishikesh Chavan, Manish Moghe, Deepak Apte, Sanjay Sami, Sanjay Khatau, Ashish Fernandes, Harish Kapadia, Tanil Kilachand, Divyesh Muni, Aspi Modi, Shivani Shah and Idris Bhatti. Dr. Saleem H. Ali, Assistant Professor of Environmental Planning at the Rubenstein School of Environment and Natural Resources at the University of Vermont, made a presentation, which highlighted the pros and cons of transboundary parks and Siachen as a piece in the larger picture.
Using the environment as a tool to ensure peace is a relatively new approach. As of now about 169 transboundary parks have been declared around the world and have been shown to be successful even along disputed boundaries. The World Conservation Union has already formulated an elaborate 'Draft Code for Transboundary Protected Areas in Times of Peace and Armed Conflict'. Long-term economic gains, a cleaner environment and more peaceful relations between the two countries are just a few of the many positive benefits that could ensue. Siachen, subject to global warming is one of the longest glaciers in the world and has been receding at an accelerated rate. The region could be completely demilitarised and declared a Transboundary Peace Park. The army on both the side could adopt a more positive role and 'green governance' could be a tool towards achieving this. After withdrawal by armed forces, a clean-up campaign could be initiated. In an ideal situation, the glacier could be dedicated to conservation, and both countries would benefit making it a pareto-optimal situation. Several other issues that came up this meet included repercussions on ecology, economy and the cultures around the region.
The conference was one of the first in the series scheduled towards this realisation.
Please circulate this newsletter to all those who may be interested.
Sanctuary Asia Newsletter on http://www.sanctuaryasia.com.
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[3]
COMBATING COMMUNAL VIOLENCE
by
Ajay K. Mehra
Union Home Minister Shivraj Patil has announced recently that a special law against communal violence has been drafted and would be placed in the current session of Parliament. Though it would be difficult to presume as to what kind of legal instrument it is going to be, two assumptions are implicit in this move. First, communal violence is a legal problem. Second, a country which has a complex quagmire of judicial and criminal justice systems, complex enough to be a haven for lawyers and litigants alike, does not have sufficient legal instruments to tackle communal violence.
The first question merits a simplistic question: what is communal violence? Though too elementary for a nation, which was born amidst communal violence, the proposed legislation would have to be evaluated in the light of this question. In the Indian political and social lexicon, till the tragic events of 31 October 1984, communal violence has meant Hindu-Muslim riot. Even the attacks on Christian missionaries and Christian tribals during the ascendance of the Sangh Parivar some years back, let alone caste conflicts of different magnitude in various parts of the country, did not change the definition, though in these cases too, there have been two communities juxtaposed in violent confrontation. Neither does other rural and urban violence in which one community takes part in violence collectively either against the state or against any other community. In short, what has been commonly described as 'communal violence' is 'collective violence' with sectarian fanaticism as the critical driving force. The new legal instrument would deserve an assessment from this perspective.
Communal violence becomes a legal problem to the extent that it poses a threat to peace and security as well as to law and order. Obviously, legal instruments as well as law enforcement agencies are required to prevent possibilities of violence and restore order once it has taken place. Both these instruments of the state would be successful in their preventive and enforcement roles only to the extent that social and political dimensions do not overwhelm those who operate the instruments of the state. Obviously, while we must look at the legal and enforcement instrumentalities in order to strengthen them and make them efficacious, they would remain ineffective without tackling the root causes.
This point gets further buttressed when we look at the available legal and enforcement framework in our country. Beginning with the Constitution of India, instruments against communalism find place at the outset in the Preamble. Even when 'secular' was not mentioned till inserted through the 42nd Amendment, it is clearly manifested through justice, liberty, equality and fraternity. Several provisions of Part III of the constitution dealing with fundamental rights, particularly Articles 14, 15, 16, 17, 19, 21, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29 and 30, along with other provisions of the Cr. PC and IPC can be used to deal with communal violence.
Various sections of the Cr. PC dealing with search, detention and arrest empower the police to take sufficient measures to prevent and deal with riotous situation of most kinds. For example, sections 41 (arrest without warrant), 42 (refusal to give name and address), 46 (use of necessary force for arrest if required), 149 (prevention of cognizable offence), 151 (preventive arrest on knowing of a design). Section 157 empowers a SHO report to the nearest magistrate, proceed to investigate, take necessary preventive steps if he has reason to suspect a cognizable offence and no permission required for search on such situations. The powers of dispersal of a mob with the use of reasonable force under section 129 and section 131 under which a gazetted officer of the armed forces can act as a magistrate if one is not available emergently too are powerful instruments.
Chapter 6 of the IPC too has a number of instruments. Sections 121, 121 A, 123, 124A make waging war against the state, conspiracy and sedition a cognizable offence. Sections 120 A & B as well as 153 A are harsh enough against those promoting disunity in society as well as hatching criminal conspiracy to create communal disharmony. Then there are provisions against offences at places of worship.
In a layman's view, these provisions with the state and its law enforcement agencies are potent enough to prevent as well as curb any kind of collective violence, even communal violence. Two issues mentioned by various human rights groups pushing for such a special law nevertheless, merit attention. First, that of witness protection brought out so starkly in the case of Zahira Sheikh (and several others) during the trials of Gujarat violence. But witness protection has been a critical issue of judicial reforms in India as no solution has yet been found to the problem of overwhelming judicial backlog, which make cases drag and witnesses open to threats and allurements. Second, absence of compensation for the victims in the existing laws has helped the state dither on the issue in most cases, which is proposed in the new law.
While we have to wait till we see to evaluate this law, I must stress that police reforms are critical to this issue and deserves immediate attention. Second, if political parties wielding the instruments of the state make a mockery of the rule of law, no legal instrument would be enough.
The writer is Director, Centre for Public Affairs, Noida.
o o o o
The Hindu Dec 19, 2004
Anti-communal law: delay due to lack of clarity, confusion
By Vinay Kumar
NEW DELHI, DEC. 18. Notwithstanding the Union Home Ministry's eagerness to come up with a new law to check communal violence, the reported lack of ``clarity and vision'' in North Block has created a peculiar situation for the Law Ministry. Its officials are said to be flummoxed over the ``near absence'' of specific provisions that the Home Ministry wants incorporated in the proposed law.
Well-placed Law Ministry sources say that the Home Ministry has forwarded a handful of drafts and dumped papers from symposiums and seminars asking it to frame the law. ``Apart from the definition of communal violence and a provision for compensation to the victims, the Home Ministry appears confused on the issue,'' the sources said. Though there is no tussle between the two crucial Ministries, the lack of clarity and focus has led to delay in framing the law.
The National Common Minimum Programme (CMP) of the UPA government remains the guiding light on the issue.
``The UPA government will enact a model comprehensive law to deal with communal violence and encourage each State to adopt that law to generate faith and confidence in minority communities,'' the CMP says.
Under the ``Internal Security'' head, the NCMP promises to take the ``strictest possible action, without fear or favour, against all those individuals and organisations who spread social discord, disturb social amity, propagate religious bigotry and communal hatred.''
Community fine
The Home Minister, Shivraj Patil, has said that the new law would define communal violence as the law does not draw a line between communal violence and a law and order problem.
According to him, the State Government should be able to ``identify and isolate'' incidents of communal violence.
The Minister is also keen on incorporating a clause for awarding compensation to the victims of communal violence through some kind of ``community fine.''
The Ministry is also learnt to have suggested the constitution of designated and special courts in each State to expedite the trial pertaining to communal violence and hate crime cases.
A recent attempt at drafting the bill to provide a legal mechanism for the prevention and control of communal violence, disturbances and hate politics was made under the aegis of the Rashtriya Lok Dal (RLD) president and former Union Minister, Ajit Singh, who held a round of meetings with members of civil society, political parties, NGOs, lawyers, academicians and retired police and civil officials.
Life term, fine
The RLD-inspired draft bill proposes life imprisonment and fine for those found guilty of destroying properties, places of religious worship, shops, factories and other means of livelihood and cultural facilities with an intent to cripple the members of a group on account of ill-will or hatred.
It proposes a prison term of three years for those found guilty of wantonly promoting enmity between different groups of people on ground of religion, race, caste, places of birth, language and others or encouraging to commit acts prejudicial to maintenance of harmony by words - spoken, written or by signs or visible presentation.
It also seeks to make the appropriate government responsible for paying compensation of not less than Rs. 2 lakhs to a dependent of a person killed in an incident of communal violence.
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[4]
'Conscience', Ideologies and Political Compulsions
Ram Puniyani
Smriti, Tulsi, Irani has been a major 'catch' for BJP for multiple reasons. Apart from being the central character in the popular 'Kyonki Saas bhi khabhi', she did symbolize the values of the character she played, the �ideal� house wife totally devoted to the cause of the family, a militantly subordinate role, which clicked with the tides of the time. While this role of the female character sounds brave and autonomous, it does also totally accept the patriarchal boundaries of male primacy, of Hindutva in particular. Even the popularity of this serial has a lot to do with the cultural downturn which is the base on which the success of Hindutva ideology stands. It is a strong favorite of those fully endorsing the RSS ideology, and also amongst others.
Appearing in different TV debates she did project the same picture of the woman, advocating the militant subordination of the role, which this ideology stands for. Another symbol of this being the organizations like Durga Vahini, floated by this multi headed hydra called sangh parivar. It is for these reasons that Smriti became hot favorite with the BJP and she went up several ladders in a short time. She joined the party, rose to become the member of its national executive, appeared on the TV screens as a political person and was given the prestigious Chandni Chowk seat in the Delhi, which she contested unsuccessfully.
In her recent visit to Gujarat she came to suddenly 'realize' that the butcher of Gujarat ,Narendra Modi was the culprit behind BJP defeat in the Lok sabha elections, so she demanded his resignation failing which she will go on indefinite fast. Probably it was a sudden gush of �conscience� which prompted her to take on the might of none other than Mr. Modi, who claims to be the representative of 5 Crore Guajratis and is the hot favorite of the current BJP President Mr. Lal Krishna Advani, the architect of Hindutva rise on Indian political scenario. It was a sort of pleasant surprise that at long last some BJP people are gathering courage to express their voice of conscience and call a spade a spade. But it was not to last too long. Within a few hours of her proclamation, she eat her words and declared since she has been asked to read a particular statement to the press, she is doing it, that she takes back her words and no more questions on this episode, full stop.
It leaves a lot of questions unanswered. How come she realized the dangers of Modi Methods and their being opposed to Vajpayee dicta at a particular point of time? Why was she not aware of what is Modi�s role in elections and overall in Gujarat earlier, she being amongst the most visible women faces of BJP? Can one have a change of opinions so fast, turning 180 degrees in a period of few hours? The answer lies in the nature of opportunism prevailing in our political system. The answer lies in the erosion of political value system and also in the dilution of ideologies at the cost of grabbing power and pelf.
We have witnessed this so often in the BJP regime. Not that others are free from it, but BJP and more so Mr. Vajpayee made this flip flop into a sort of an art and played it to perfection. In his case it was difficult to tell which is the real person, the one articulating the occasional surge of conscience or the one talking the Hindutva again in a most sophisticated language. In the face of attacks on Christian missionaries he will talk of National debate on Conversions. When talking in Shah Alam camp in the aftermath of state sponsored genocide, he will talk of raj dharma and just a few days later he will talk of there being problems wherever there are Muslims so how can Gujarat be an exception. Abroad he will talk of Gujarat as a shame of the nation at home he will provide solid umbrella to the butcher in chief of Gujarat. No wonder he was called as the mask of Hindutva ideology by none other than Govindacharya the foremost Hindutva ideologue of current times.
The political arena has become full of those for whom it is more a means of rising up the ladder of power or to retain it. The criminals of various hues have made it secure abode of their existence. But at one level this aberration is equally matched by those who turn colors with the changing opportunities. BJP itself, the new edition of earlier Bhartaiya Jan Sangh (BJS) has come a long way in this opportunistic politics. BJS began its journey as a right wing party, a political hybrid of RSS and Hindu Mahasabha, before merging into Janata Party on the plank of anti corruption. It was given the oath of National integration by Jaya Prakash Narayan, the architect of Janata party. In due course it broke the Janata party on the issue of dual membership and resurfaced as the party of Gandhian socialism. This failed to click with the electorate as people knew the Gandhian socialism is a mere ruse, they did recollect that it was a volunteer trained by RSS and Hindu Mahasabha who put three bullets in the chest of Mahatma, Father of the nation, since he was perceived as a big obstacle to Hindu rashtra. And as for socialism, electorate did recollect that it was BJS whose major principle was to oppose any �socialist� or peoples welafarist measure by the state. Having bitten the dust on these issues it soon transformed itself into a party for Ram Temple, Hindutva, Hindu Nation and what have you. During this time Party with a difference was its logo. Party free from corruption etc. was the plank. After demolishing the Babri masjid as a means to acquire power it went on become equally if not more corrupt than the other political outfits.
The fact that at ideological level many a political worthies have embraced communalism, goes without saying. It was Indira Gandhi who first made the temple visits a visible part of her political schedule. She also peddled the subtle communal line in the case of Meenakshipuram conversions of dalits, and also on the issue of Kashmir to some extent. Rajiv was much worse as for as the practice of ideology was concerned. It seems that for him ideology was more a matter of tactics rather than a matter of principles. He did go on to appease the Muslim and than Hindu fundamentalists in quick succession giving the ideal pretext for the rise of Hindutva, waiting in the wings. Somewhere here one also sees the opportunist role of the likes of George Fernandes. The person who seemed to have unshakable commitment to secularism came to become the best spokesman and defender of RSS politics. Lust for power taught him to tailor his language to suit his new masters, Vajpayee and the RSS combine. It was through him that the murder of Graham Stains was defended by the NDA Govt., again he was the person to cover up the rape of women in Gujarat, on the ground that there is nothing new in this to require extra condemnation.
The likes of Tulsi's who may have a real conscience will 'learn' the political ropes soon enough to speak out the party line and defend the acts which are immoral or against the grain of Indian Constitution. Her turn around is a symbol of times, power over the principles, more so in the outfits which abuse religion for their political goals and agendas.
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[5]
Press Release
First General Assembly of mines, minerals & People
16.12.2004
The annual general assembly of mines, mineral & PEOPLE was concluded today at Anandwan, Maharashtra with paying rich tributes to the martyrs of Maikanch Firing in Kashipur, Orissa which took place on 16th December 2000 and expressing solidarity with the ongoing struggle of the local communities against the proposed mining in that area. The Assembly strongly condemned the atrocities of the state agencies.
mines, minerals & People is a national alliance of organisations, struggle groups, communities and fraternity organisations which has evolved over five years of collective struggle as the single largest platform of mining struggle groups, affected communities, workers, advocacy groups, NGO's, experts and technical institutions.
A 25 member Executive Council was elected by 250 delegates from 150 organisations representing 16 states to lead the alliance for the next two years. The assembly also adopted the constitution and evolved an action plan.
The four days of deliberations and sharing of mining struggles across the country from Kollum in Kerala to Kataldi in Uttaranchal, from Lanjigarh in Orissa to Saurashtra in Gujarat from the interior tribal and forest regions of open cast and underground mines, to the urban slums of migrant quarry workers and bonded mine labourers, the fangs of global privatization, liberalization and de-regulation became visibly ugly in these stories.
The delegates reiterated their resolve to fight the onslaught of profiteers both national and international to hegemonize natural resources and push the local communities to a state of impoverishment.
Ravi Rebbapragada
Chairperson
For and on behalf of mines, minerals & PEOPLE Anandwan, Maharashtra
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[6] ANNOUNCEMENTS
(i)
Women's Rights Organisation cordially invites you to a Seminar & Cultural Programme on the occasion of the 77 th Anniversary of the 'Burning of Manusmriti' by Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar which is being celebrated as 'Stree Samman Divas' ( Day for Women's Dignity)
Time and Venue : 12 a.m. Wednesday, 22 nd December 2004 Tagore Hall, Arts Faculty, North Campus, Delhi University,Delhi
Dear Friend
You are cordially invited for a programme to be held on 22 nd December 2004 as part of the STREE SAMMAN DIVAS (DAY FOR WOMEN'S DIGNITY) celebrations organised by Stree Adhikar Sangathan ( Women's Rights Organisation) at TAGORE HALL, DELHI UNIVERSITY ( NORTH CAMPUS) at 12 a.m.
You are quite aware that it was on 25 th December 1927 that thousands of people came together under the leadership of Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar to consign to flames Manusmriti the 'sacred' book which epitomised and legitimised the subhuman existence of the socially and culturally downtrodden in the Indian society, especially the dalits and the women.
As things stand today officially the Manusmriti might have been replaced by the more egalitarian Indian Constitution more than fifty years ago but at an informal level it continues to hold sway over the thinking and actions of a vast majority of the Indian people. Dalits, women and a broad section of the other socially oppressed strata are still condemned to live under the oppressive structures and institutions sanctified by it.
To underline the fact of the societal violence which continues unabated till date we have been celebrating the day when Manusmriti was burnt as a day for Women's Dignity " Stree Samman Divas"since last two years.As part of this celebrations this year we have decided to hold a seminar to debate and discuss the 'Challenge of Communalism and Women's Movement'. LOOKING AT THE UNIVERSITY SCHEDULE WE ARE ORGANISING THE SAID PROGRAMME ON 22 ND DECEMBER ITSELF. You might be aware that STRRE ADHIKAR SANGATHAN has started to celebrate this day since last two years. Two years ago we have publicly felicitated BHANWARI DEVI from BHATERI, RAJASTHAN for her valiant struggle for women's rights.
As part of this programme we have invited Social activist MS TEESTA SETALVAD, Feminist scholar Ms NIVEDITA MENON, Intellectual-activist ADITYA NIGAM, Dr. SWATI JOSHI and few other leading activists and academics to participate in the discussion on CHALLENGE OF COMMUNALISM AND INDIAN WOMEN.
We will be very happy if you can join us for this event. A few leading cultural troupes from Delhi have also agreed to present a few songs and skits after the seminar.
Hoping to meet you in the programme .
for Women's Rights Organisation Ph: 011-27872835 / 0532-2552324
o o o o
(ii)
Date: Tue, 14 Dec 2004 09:32:39 -0800 (PST) From: Arvind Ghosh <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
Ecology & the Future Society [Workshop at Nagpur on 15-16 January. 2005]
Man is a part of nature & his war against nature is inevitably a war against himself - Rachel Carson.
The first use of an atom bomb on Hiroshima in 1945 made humanity aware that it had acquired the power to inflict irremediable damage on the biosphere, a devastating power that might even lead to human self-extinction. As it turned out, in fact Hiroshima was only the first in a series of developments that seemed to point towards an impending ecological disaster. If we observe very recent history, we find that during the last 30years,
� Oil consumption has increased from 46 million
barrels a day to 73 million
� Coal extraction has gone up from 2.2 billion metric
tones to 3.8 billion
� The number of motor vehicles have almost tripled
from 246 million 730 million
� The rate at which trees are consumed to make paper
has doubled to 200 million metric tones per year
� Human carbon emission has increased from 3.9 million
metric tones annually to an estimated 6.4 million
� 40% of agricultural soils have been degraded
� Half of the forests have disappeared
� Species are vanishing at a rate that has not
occurred in 65 million years
[source:
The enemy of nature by Joel Kovel]Thus at the beginning of 21st century, eroding soils, shrinking forests, expanding deserts, acid rain, atmospheric ozone depletion, building of greenhouse gases, poisoned water supplies & the loss of biological diversity have become the order of the day. If this alarming rise in ecological degradation could take place in the span of a mere 30 years, it becomes evident that the ecological crisis of our planet has already reached catastrophic proportions, It seems that the carrying capacity and the recuperative powers of the planet have exceeded. Unless there is massive immediate change in human behavior, irreversible catastrophic destruction including death of billions of human beings & possible extinction of all life forms on the planet will result. The question is: can anything be done to prevent the impending catastrophe? A number of ecological movements & eco-philosophies are contending with each other to provide solutions to the problem of ecological degradation and for the prevention of the impending disaster. Some of the important eco-philosophical tendencies are:
Eco-primitivism: The idea of eco-primitivism implies in its most radical form, a return to the golden age of hunter-gatherer society. For eco-primitivists Civilization itself is the problem and nothing short of overthrowing or abandoning civilization is required to restore ecological balance on this planet
Deep Ecology: Deep Ecology is founded on two basic principles. First, human-centeredness is a misguided way of seeing things and only an eco centric attitude is consistent with nature of life on Earth. Second, instead of identifying with our egos or our immediate family we should learn to identify with trees, animals & plants, indeed the whole of ecosphere. Deep ecology believes that the nature is not only a living but also a conscious organism of which the human beings are (its) body cells. This is known as the �Gaia� hypothesis.
Eco-feminism: According to Eco-feminists real problem is not �human-centeredness� but rather �man-centeredness�. They say that thousands of years of Patriarchy are ultimately responsible for the destruction of the biosphere and the development of authoritarian practices both socially & environmentally. Eco feminism holds that the philosophy of modern science has been fashioned by the same attitude towards nature (to dominate, exploit & conquer it) as patriarchy towards women. Eco feminism calls for the agenda of simultaneous abolition of domination over women as well as nature, end of exploitation through radical changes in the paradigm of science & technology & through social, political practice.
Social Ecology: The proponent of the anarchist philosophy of social ecology Murray Bookchin has critiqued Deep Ecology saying Deep Ecology fails to see that the problem of ecological crisis is directly linked to authoritarianism & hierarchy. According to him authoritarianism & hierarchy are the real problems & they are expressed both socially & environmentally.
Eco socialism: Ecosocialism insists upon redefining the path & goal of socialist production in an ecological framework. The goal is a transformation of needs and a profound shift towards the qualitative dimension away from the quantitative, translating into valorization of use values over exchange values.
Besides the above, there are many other tendencies like Bioregionalism, Eco-capitalism, Ecology of the traditional left, ecological Marxism, Gandhian Ecology etc. All of us who are seriously concerned about the alarming state of the ecology today may have divergent as well as competitive views but let us not forget that we are all on the same boat which may sink unless we do something urgently to save it. We have to overcome �I am right, you are wrong� kind of attitude and explore an alternative way of having conversation.
With this approach in mind, we have decided to hold a workshop at Nagpur on the Subject: Ecology & the Future Society on 15-16 January 2005.
We invite all those who are interested in discussion,
debate & sharing of views on the
above subject, to participate in this workshop.
Discussions are expected to be free &
not within any specific framework All shades of
opinions & views are welcome.
Those who wish to participate may contact the
following friends at Nagpur & send
their papers to:Pradeep Muktibodh.: E-mail [EMAIL PROTECTED]
phone::9823233576
Arvind Ghosh : [EMAIL PROTECTED]
phone:2283018
Dilip kshirsagar:phone:2247784
Suresh Khairnar: phone:2553383
Prakash Meghe: [EMAIL PROTECTED] phone:
2527258,9823014009o o o o
(iii)
DURABLE DISORDER Understanding the Politics of Northeast India --- Sanjib Baruah New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2005; http://www.oup.com/in ISBN 0 19 566981 9 280 PAGES Rs. 495
For decades states in India's Northeast have experienced ethnic
conflict and suffered human and material losses due to insurgency and
counter-insurgency operations. This book analyses the causes and seeks to
comprehend the political meaning and significance of persisting political
violence.
The author argues that prolonged counter-insurgency operations
have eroded the democratic fabric of the region and institutionalized
authoritarian practices. There is a growing dissonance between the idea of
ethnic homelands and the actually existing political economy of the region
that makes ethnic violence and internal displacements quite predictable.
The book explores the economic incorporation of the region into
the global capitalist economy in the 19th century and the resultant
conflict between global and local resource use regimes. It delves into the
historical roots of the region's oldest armed conflict-the Naga
insurgency, and carries a detailed analysis of the United Liberation Front
of Assam (ULFA) during different phases of its power and influence.
The author argues for a reorientation of India's policy towards
the Northeast and for linking it to a new foreign policy towards Southeast
Asia. India should take advantage of the cultural and spatial proximity of
the Northeastern states to the ASEAN region. The economic integration of
the region with Southeast Asia through the pursuit of a dynamic 'Look
East' policy could go a long way in bringing about stability, peace, and
prosperity.
Opening new perspectives in our understanding of ethnic
conflict and the meaning of democracy with specific reference to the
Northeast, this book will be of interest to students, researchers and
scholars in politics and history, journalists, policy-makers, defence
analysts, and the informed lay reader.
Sanjib Baruah is Senior Fellow, Omeo Kumar Das Institute for Social Change
and Development, Guwahati, Assam, and Professor of Political Studies, Bard
College, Annandale-on-Hudson, New York.
'Sanjib Baruah's Durable Disorder explains politics in India's Northeast
with brilliant clarity, using history, theory, journalism, personal
experience, and participant insight to the full.' - David Ludden,
Professor of History, University of Pennsylvania
'Sanjib Baruah's new book raises the discussion about the Northeast to an
altogether higher plane, it brings current debates in political thought to
bear upon our understanding of the region in a way that has not been done
before.' -- Mrinal Miri, Vice Chancellor, NorthEastern Hill University,
Shillong
'Durable Disorder opens new perspectives in our understanding of
federalism, the linkage between domestic and foreign policies, ethnic
conflict and the meaning of democracy.' - Susanne Hoeber Rudolph,
President, American Political Science Association 2003-04.
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Buzz on the perils of fundamentalist politics, on matters of peace and democratisation in South Asia. SACW is an independent & non-profit citizens wire service run since 1998 by South Asia Citizens Web: www.sacw.net/
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